BY MAHMUD JEGA
The sudden resignation on Sunday last week of Senator Abdullahi Adamu as National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress [APC] set me thinking about the short shelf life of party chairmen in the Fourth Republic. The resignation came shortly before rescheduled meetings of APC’s National Working Committee, National Caucus and National Executive Committee, all set for early last week. The working committee met without Adamu and the National Secretary, Iyiola Omisore, who also resigned. The other meetings were postponed.
APC offered no explanation for its two top national officers’ sudden resignation. Media reports were Adamu was told to resign by Chairman of the APC Governors Forum, Hope Uzodinma of Imo State, on behalf of the governors. Powerful though the governors’ caucus is, it is doubtful if it has the muscle to push out Adamu and Omisore without at least President Bola Tinubu’s permission. The widely suspected reason was the role Adamu played in the run up to last year’s APC convention, which nominated Tinubu as presidential candidate. Two things in particular; one was his statement only days to the convention that then aspirant Tinubu will be “sanctioned” for his Abeokuta speech, which was seen as a thinly veiled attack on President Buhari. More seriously, Adamu tried to convince the Working Committee to adopt then Senate President Ahmed Lawal as “consensus” presidential candidate, most certainly at the behest of “the cabal” around Buhari, if not Buhari himself.
I was personally amazed that Adamu made such costly mistakes. When he was first thrown up as the “consensus” candidate for National Chairman, I thought APC [or more precisely, Buhari] had chosen one of the most experienced politicians in Nigeria today. Adamu started politics as student union leader in the 1960s. He was an actor in every local, state and national election in Nigeria since then, was NPN State Chairman in old Plateau State, was minister in a military government, was a two-term governor, was the first chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum, and was a four-term senator. Almost no one else in Nigerian politics today has this kind of resume. Even though he fumbled in not supporting Tinubu in the party primaries, it could be said that he subsequently led the party to victory in the 2023 elections, where it won the presidency, numerous state governors and majorities in the National Assembly.
Yet, Abdullahi Adamu’s sudden and precipitous fall somehow sustained a tradition in the Fourth Republic, of most ruling and opposition party chairmen departing in a cloud of dust. Beginning from Chief Solomon Lar, PDP’s first chairman who led it to victory in the 1999 elections. Soon after President Obasanjo took over, Lar was pushed out in favour of Chief Barnabas Gemade. After two years, Gemade too was pushed out in favour of Chief Audu Ogbeh. Ogbeh’s fall in 2005 was the most dramatic of all. It was reported at the time that President Obasanjo paid a surprise visit to Ogbeh’s house and asked to eat amala. Since a Benue man’s house will never lack yam, Obasanjo ate his fill, then produced a resignation letter and told Ogbeh to sign it. Some reports said the president also laid a revolver on the table, beside the letter. The most obvious reason at the time was that Obasanjo had begun his surreptitious Third Term moves and Ogbeh, who was close to Vice President Atiku Abubakar, could not be trusted to support it.
Obasanjo then brought in Colonel Adamu Ali, who was his minister for Education in the military era. Two very controversial things happened under Ali. One was PDP’s “re-registration” of party members, through which suspected Atiku supporters were denied party membership. Ali also caused national furore when, in respect of the katakata in Oyo State between Governor Rasheed Ladoja and strongman Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, he said Adedibu was the “Garrison Commander” and everyone else must obey him.
When President Umaru Yar’adua arrived in 2007, Ali was quietly eased out as PDP chairman and replaced by Vincent Ogbulafor, who was still there when Yar’adua died in April 2010 and President Jonathan took over. Partymen from the North began a clamour that since Yar’adua died early, the 2011 ticket should be zoned to the North again. Ogbulafor, who severely misread the new boss’ body language, publicly endorsed the Northern clamour. Shortly afterwards, Jonathan, who had his eyes firmly set on a full term, shoved him out and installed Dr. Okwesileze Nwodo in his place.
Nwodo didn’t last long. Jonathan ousted him and installed his deputy, Dr. Bello Haliru Mohammed as Acting Chairman. Soon after the 2011 election, Jonathan appointed Mohammed as Defence Minister, a very good soft landing, and he was replaced by another acting chairman, Abubakar Kawu Baraje. A year later, PDP’s revolving-door chairmanship continued when President Jonathan brought on board the old warhorse Alhaji Bamanga Tukur as party chairman.
Bamanga was one of the most dynamic political actors of the Second Republic. As PDP chairman in 2012-14 however, he made many blunders, leading to the defection of five nPDP governors and many other chieftains to the newly founded APC. Former Bauchi State Governor Ahmadu Adamu Mu’azu, who then took over with a lot of hype as “the Game Changer,” came crashing down when PDP lost the 2015 elections.
What followed in PDP was a most messy affair, with former Kaduna State Governor Ahmed Makarfi and former Borno State governor Ali Modu Sheriff both laying claim to the chairmanship, based on conflicting court orders. In the end Makarfi won but was later replaced by Chief Uche Secondus, at the behest of Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike. Two years ago, Secondus was shoved out as part of Wike’s changing calculations for 2023. Dr. Iorchia Ayu, who became chairman in late 2021, was recently shoved out by a court order contrived by Wike and his ally, former Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom. His deputy Ambassador Ilyas Damagum is now the Acting Chairman.
APC chairmen did not fare much better than their PDP counterparts. Its first chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, was replaced soon after the 2015 election by Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, who was replaced two years later by the combustible ex-Edo governor Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. He too had his tenure cut short in 2020 after only two years, and a caretaker committee headed by Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni took charge for another two years. Some APC governors made a mess of trying to remove Buni early in 2022, with very conflicting claims and counter claims, until Buhari stepped in from abroad and maintained the caretaker committee until it organized a convention that ushered in Adamu and Omisore.
Not that things were better in either ANPP or AD, the other major parties at the start of the Fourth Republic. ANPP’s first chairman, Senator Mahmud Waziri, was replaced in 1999 when he accepted a job as Special Adviser in Obasanjo’s team. Alhaji Yusuf Ali took over for several years but was later replaced by Sokoto State Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, who in turn was forced out in 2006 and he left the party entirely. It was only Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu that lasted long as ANPP chairman, from around 2007 until it merged with other parties to form APC in 2013. AD’s first chairman, Ambassador Yusuf Mamman, didn’t last long either and was replaced by Ambassador Jolly Tanko Yusuf.
Compare these revolving-door Fourth Republic chairmanships to the Second Republic. Chief Augustus Adisa Akinloye was NPN’s National Chairman from December 1978, when he took over from Interim Chairman Alhaji Aliyu Makaman Bidda, to December 1983 when it was dissolved. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was UPN’s National Chairman and presidential candidate from its formation in September 1978 until the military dissolved it in December 1983. Malam Aminu Kano was PRP’s President General and presidential candidate throughout its life in the Second Republic. From the day he split from NPP and formed GNPP in late 1978, Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim was its National Chairman and presidential candidate throughout the party’s lifespan, though some factions split from it, variously led by Nduka Eze and Mahmud Waziri. NPP too had some share of turbulence. Though Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was its leader and presidential candidate throughout its life, it had two national chairmen at various times, Chief Olu Akinfosile and Chief Adeniran Adesanya. The sixth party of the Second Republic, Nigeria Advance Party [NAP] also had one chairman and presidential candidate, Chief Tunji Braithwaite, throughout its life. In the Third Republic [1990-93] too, NRC produced two national chairmen, Chief Tom Ikimi and Dr. Hameed Kusamotu while SDP had two chairmen, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe and Chief Tony Anenih.
What is the trick of remaining a party chairman? Much like a football team coach, the most important thing is to keep winning matches. But as we saw in Adamu’s case, even winning the electoral equivalent of the World Cup may not be enough to maintain a chairman in his position. Other considerations come into play, such as zoning and loyalty, loosely defined.
Right now, all talk is about who will replace Adamu as chairman of APC. It is a highly coveted position, since APC members include the President, Vice President, Senate President and deputy, House Speaker and deputy and 21 state governors, soon to be joined by several dozen ministers and ambassadors and thousands of board chairmen and members. Most speculation now centers around former Kano State Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Alongside Vice President Kashim Shettima and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, Ganduje was one of President Tinubu’s earliest and most ardent supporters in the North. If, however APC retains its microzoning the post to North Central and Nasarawa State, then another likely candidate is former Nasarawa State Governor Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, a very dynamic politician who unseated a PDP incumbent in 2011. He vied for the post last year but was persuaded to step down for Adamu. Whoever emerges as APC National Chairman now must walk nimbly and adroitly, juggling federal and state issues, from now to the 2027 election.
