Raji: How Tinubu Demystified Cabal System in Aso Rock
Bolaji Rilwan Raji, a multi-sector entrepreneur, is the Founder of the New Dawn for Women and Community Intervention Initiative and Convener of the Game Changer Group, platforms focused on empowerment, leadership, and social impact. In this interview, Raji shares insights on political leadership, governance, power dynamics, and Nigeria’s evolving democratic experience. Wale Igbintade brings excerpts.
As an insider in the corridors of power, how will you describe political leadership, governance and job delivery in Nigeria?
Nigeria’s political leadership evolved from pre- and post-colonial eras. After independence, Chief Obafemi Awolowo (AG, South West), Sir Ahmadu Bello (NPC, North), and Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe (NCNC, East) emerged as key figures. These leaders ushered in the First Republic, with Azikiwe as ceremonial President, Balewa as Prime Minister, and Awolowo as opposition leader. Each region prioritised different policies: the South West focused on education, agriculture, and infrastructure; the South East on agriculture, commerce, and infrastructure; and the North on agriculture and infrastructure.
Healthy developmental rivalries led to job creation. However, political tensions escalated, contributing to the collapse of the First Republic in the 1966 military coup. Subsequent military rule stagnated political development, hindering leadership and governance. Currently, President Bola Tinubu’s leadership has revitalised political leadership, governance, and job creation.
Nigerians are sweet-talked during campaigns, but the story is always different when politicians are giving mandates to work.
Politics is unfortunately perceived as a business rather than a service, prioritising profit over purpose through marketing strategies. While blame is unproductive, local communities should learn from the prioritising President’s leadership and governance to guide the selection of future political leaders, achieving the renewed hope agenda.
As an insider from 1993, what would you say shaped the annulment of the 1993 presidential election of late Chief MKO Abiola, and who are the unknown characters in the plot?
June 12 remains a significant and troubling event in Nigerian history. I have long sought answers regarding its annulment, drawing on my involvement in Hope 93, accounts from key figures, and extensive research. No explanation seemed satisfactory until the President’s renewed hope agenda, which I now see as a divine answer. I recall a meeting at former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Otta Farm, where he invited top retired military officers, political leaders, and religious figures.
At the meeting, Obasanjo conveyed the military’s rejection of Chief Moshood Abiola, creating a stunned silence. General Muhammadu Buhari challenged Obasanjo, asking who these dissenting Generals were and affirming Abiola’s victory and acceptability to him. He then left the meeting in protest, followed by Colonel Umar Kangiwa, Admirals Ebitu Ukiwe and Ndubuisi Kanu. Yoruba Generals Adeyinka Adebayo and Alani Akinrinade were also present. General Akinrinade and Colonel Kangiwa can still verify this account.
At 28, I accompanied my uncle, Alhaji Tajudeen Cole, to this meeting. I questioned why Buhari and Kangiwa, both Fulani, advocated for June 12’s validation, while Generals Babangida and Abacha, who annulled the election, were not Fulani.
Yet, many Nigerians, particularly Yorubas, still hold the Fulani responsible for the annulment.
The election was described as the freest in the country. What roles did the Yorubas and others involved play to validate the election?
The annulment of June 12 was a deeply painful period for Yorubaland, surpassing even Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s imprisonment in the First Republic. Many Yoruba people, both politicians and non-politicians, viewed it as an existential threat, igniting a fierce determination reminiscent of the old Oyo Empire. Prominent elders, including Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Chief Bola Ige, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Chief Wahab Dosunmu, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Chief Reuben Fasoranti, Chief Olu Falae, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Bishop Bolanle Onigbogi, Generals Adeyinka Adebayo and Alani Akinrinade, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Fredrick Fasehun, Ashiwaju Bola Tinubu (President), Femi Falana, Bayo Onanuga, Wale Osun, Femi Ojodu, Yinka Odumakin, and Dele Momodu, among others, led the charge, alongside youth vanguards like Aare Gani Adams.
Alliances were forged with progressives from other parts of the country, including Lt General Theophilus Danjuma, Colonel Umar Kangiwa, Admirals Ndubuisi Kanu and Ebitu Ukiwe, Chief Sam Mbakwe, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Alfred Rewane, Rev. Fr. Moses Adasu, Chief John Oyegun, Senator Shehu Sani, and Uba Sani (Governor of Kaduna), Chief Olusegun Osoba and Chief Bisi Akande, to name but a few.
The women’s wing was spearheaded by Alhaja Habibat Mogaji, the President-General of market women, and mother of the current president. I recall those days and the trips to Igbosere court, Mama Mogaji’s energy and inspiring leadership. This movement led to the formation of NADECO, a platform dedicated to revalidating the annulled election. While many leaders were forced into exile, Bola Tinubu became a central figure and rallying point for the struggle. The fight to revalidate June 12 also extended to the Niger Delta, contributing to the region’s struggle for emancipation, though internal conflicts ultimately hampered its goals.
Fast forward to the present time, how would you describe the civilian era from 1999 to this time?
The transition from military dictatorship to democracy in 1999 presented numerous challenges, particularly as Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a retired military general, assumed the presidency. This context initially fostered the potential weaponisation of democratic institutions. However, the current government is taking commendable steps to reshape democratic values. Recognising the independence of local governments, a sensitive issue requiring decisive leadership, and establishing regional development zones to foster regional growth are crucial initiatives, akin to removing oil subsidies. Reforming political institutions, including electoral bodies, the judiciary, and law enforcement, requires dedicated effort.
The president’s focus on local governments is a positive step, and capable individuals must support and continue this progress.
The transition from military rule to democracy was marred by weaponisation and monetisation of democratic institutions. Many genuine democrats and progressives were exhausted, impoverished, or had even perished. The few remaining were revitalised by President Tinubu, offering renewed hope amid a depleted movement.
This vacuum allowed individuals with questionable backgrounds – the wealthy, former officials, and those involved in illicit activities – to infiltrate politics, treating it as an investment. Given widespread deprivation, if true democrats, progressives, conscientious citizens, progressive youths, and people of faith give this government a chance with open minds, Nigeria may, by God’s grace, experience positive change.
We have been inundated with the word Cabal. Do they genuinely exist within the Nigerian government, and how have they contributed to development and good governance?
A cabal, defined as a small, secretive group plotting for political power or private interests, inherently undermines democracy, which is government by and for the people.
While I’ve heard people talk of a cabal in this administration, I commend the president’s ability to identify and dismantle such groups. Ideally, we should have disciples who emulate the president’s positive actions rather than pursue selfish interests. However, the failure of some in power to replicate the President’s good deeds fuels the perception of a cabal. I urge the President to re-evaluate the performance of certain key assistants.
Can you tell us about some of them, and how their actions and inactions have affected the country?
The formation of a cabal hinges on a leader’s understanding of power dynamics, specifically the distinction between sharing and controlled delegation. Olusegun Obasanjo, for example, favoured controlled delegation, preventing any potential cabal leaders from gaining significant influence. Yar’adua’s tenure was cut short by ill health and death, but figures like Bukola Saraki and James Ibori were prominent. In contrast, Goodluck Jonathan, despite his patriotism, entrusted significant power to aides who sometimes abused it, leading to the rise of competing power blocs and a formidable cabal. Under President Buhari, this phenomenon reached unprecedented levels, with a cabal becoming the de facto ruler.
As someone married into the Buhari family, I have witnessed this firsthand. Initially, the cabal consisted of two individuals, but President Buhari’s ill health and the death of his Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari led to the emergence of multiple cabals, the primary one being “G5+1” with various subsets. Similar cabals also formed within the National Assembly, including a “Yoruba cabal.”
We were told of several intrigues in the run-up to the 2023 election. Can you let us in on it?
Internal power struggles and conflicting agendas plagued the lead-up to the election. The G5 + 1 faction initially favoured Atiku Abubakar or former President Goodluck Jonathan, while a cabal within the National Assembly and party leadership pushed for Ahmad Lawan. The Yoruba cabal supported Yemi Osinbajo. A member of the G5 + 1, secretly vying for the vice presidency, attempted to bring Jonathan into the race. When this failed, he rejoined the G5+1 in supporting the PDP candidate. The other +1 to make G5+1 +1, which was meant to include a top security official (+1), ultimately faltered, perhaps due to the official’s awareness of President Buhari’s preferences. The Yoruba cabal, misled by the G5, encouraged Osinbajo to contest against the eventual winner, believing Buhari would not support Asiwaju – a ploy to weaken Yoruba chances. Despite the cabals’ machinations, President Buhari remained steadfast in his integrity and commitment. Sensing the situation, I contacted the President’s son, Seyi Tinubu and took him to a close confidant of President Buhari, his sister, Hajia Rakiya, to appeal to the President. Evidence supports this account.
To garner support for President Tinubu, I reached out to various people, including former President Jonathan, whom I visited through his nephew, Abila. I must acknowledge President Jonathan’s remarkable humility and dedication to Nigeria’s betterment. He provided the venue and time, but Seyi, the president’s son, with whom I was to go, was delayed and could not relay the information for over two hours due to unforeseen circumstances. To my surprise, President Jonathan was still waiting patiently. Upon my arrival, instead of anger, he simply smiled and advised, “Bolaji, learn to manage your time well,” and even offered me a drink through Abila.
Without that kindness, I doubt if I would have found the courage to discuss my mission, given the impression that President Tinubu opposed his second term. I prostrated before him, but he insisted I stand. I passionately pleaded with him not to be offended by my request to support my uncle. He asked who my uncle was, and I nervously replied, “Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu.” His expression shifted, and after a moment of reflection, before he could speak, I acknowledged his position as a PDP leader. Surprisingly, he responded that he was now ‘a statesman, and if supporting Asiwaju would bring growth, development and security to Nigeria’, he would support it. His wisdom gave me hope, and I left with joy. I thanked him for his support.
Is it true that Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was not the preferred candidate of the power that was in the run-up to the 2023 election? Who are the favoured and how do they fall by the wayside?
Despite not being favoured by key power brokers who respectively preferred Atiku or Jonathan, Lawan, and Osinbajo, Asiwaju’s success was due to divine intervention, President Buhari’s support, the influence of Hajia Rakia (Buhari’s sister), and his own political acumen. Hajia Rakia’s role should be acknowledged with a kind gesture. Appreciation is also due to the Emir of Katsina. Asiwaju’s ability to positively engage even those who betrayed him is remarkable, and his legacy of uplifting others despite their disloyalty is unmatched.
Will you agree that the current hardship and difficulties in the country came with the APC government?
It’s unfair to blame the APC for all of Nigeria’s hardship and poverty. While I’m not an APC spokesperson, it’s undeniable that challenges exist. However, Nigeria wasn’t prosperous during the PDP’s 16 years either. The President has repeatedly acknowledged these difficulties and is working tirelessly to deliver on the promises of renewed hope for prosperity, security, and good governance. From day one, facing a budget without fuel subsidies, he’s led from a disadvantaged position. Few leaders in our history, military or civilian, have shown such empathy, yet he’s been forced to enact unpopular policies requiring immense courage. Though positive changes are emerging, political opposition remains unsatisfied.
Given the widespread economic disarray, do you, as an insider, believe the current political appointees have performed excellently?
This is a sensitive issue due to its potential negative consequences. Nigeria’s federal system, as enshrined in the Constitution, requires each state to nominate individuals for ministerial appointment. While the President is bound to select from these nominees, regardless of their suitability, the National Assembly then screens them. Consequently, the President’s choices are limited by constitutional constraints, preventing unilateral decisions that could be construed as dictatorial.
Who are the appointees that have underperformed, in your opinion?.
A more informed assessment will be possible by the end of 2031. Instead, I’ll highlight the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy. As a mariner, I can attest to its advanced ICT and rapid progress. It has resolved unfavourable IMO issues and will surpass even the Ministry of Petroleum in the coming months. This progress has occurred in under three years. Minister Adegboyega Oyetola has established a sustainable template for investors, both local and foreign. The Ministry of Interior, being led by Olubunmi Ojo, has successfully upgraded the passport issuance process, significantly reducing collection times through commendable ICT implementation. The minister is advised to consider proposals from the major passport producer, Thales.
Regarding ministerial performance, it’s the president’s prerogative to address any underperformance, based on their assessment. External factors can also contribute to a minister’s perceived performance.
During the last administration, a highly sensitive encounter with national security implications occurred. Nigeria and Russia had bilateral agreements on agriculture, with our foreign minister and the Russian minister of agriculture serving as chairmen for their respective countries. A meeting was scheduled in Nigeria, and the Russian delegation arrived, meeting first with Vice President Osinbajo and then Minister of Agriculture, Audu Ogbe. However, the next day, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they were left waiting for over two hours before being informed that the meeting was cancelled due to the minister’s unavailability.
A Greek partner, a friend of the Russian delegation, contacted me to facilitate a meeting between the Russian minister and our president to deliver a verbal message from the Russian president without media presence. The Russian delegation expressed their disappointment, so I contacted one of the SAs to the president. He met with me and the Russian delegation, who revealed that two important figures in the government were actively working against Russian interests in Nigeria, allegedly for another foreign power.
The Russian delegation proposed a $15 billion investment (not a loan) to revive the Ajaokuta industry and gain access to gas to power ALSCON, with a plan to increase electricity generation from 100 to 200 megawatts within a year. They also warned that no imported technology could solve Ajaokuta’s problems without their specific expertise. The SA promised to facilitate a direct meeting with the president, but nothing came of it.
FCT Minister Wike, “Mr. Projects,” is a reliable and high-capacity leader whose achievements in infrastructure and service delivery are widely applauded, even by critics. His tenure has been a success story for the FCT. Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, known for his concrete road concept, has significantly improved road quality nationwide.
We should all monitor the performance of these appointees. In my state, The Game Changer Group is tracking the impact of political appointees at the community level, gathering feedback to assess their effectiveness and sharing scorecards. We operate in all 36 states and Abuja.
Given your central role in Bola Tinubu’s emergence as the APC flagbearer, would you still support his candidacy in 2027, considering the evident shortcomings of his administration?
My contributions were crucial to President Tinubu’s success. Seyi Tinubu, the Okanlomo of Yoruba land, can verify this. Notably, I initiated the integration of Southern Kaduna people into the APC and brought Senator Danjuma Lar, then a PDP senator, to support the President. Senator Lar, Femi Gbajabiamila, Hon Femi Bamishile and Seyi Tinubu can all attest to this. This was just one of many strategies I implemented. InshaAllah, I hope to make history with the President again in 2027. Nigeria is blessed with opportunities, and this President encourages self-sustainability.
For the first time in years, Nigerians did not experience the usual December petroleum scarcity, and surprisingly, petroleum prices and transportation costs decreased during the festive period. The renewed hope agenda is clearly underway, and we must continue its growth towards a prosperous future.
In what ways have you help President Tinubu and his government to have legacies that will outlive him?
Having achieved success in education, wealth, influence, family, and health, the president now likely seeks to solidify his legacy. As a dedicated, behind-the-scenes contributor to his administration’s effective governance, I anticipate showcasing our achievements, as all will be evaluated on their merits. My primary hope is for the completion and release of Jim Obazee’s special investigation, which I initiated early in the administration, as it would greatly enhance the president’s legacy.
