KWARA AND THE BURNING COALS OF INSECURITY

Nigeria’s gripping national battle against insecurity seems to have a new theater in Kwara State as terrorists increasingly threaten to overrun one of Nigeria’s most iconic states.

Long heralded as one of Nigeria’s most peaceful states, even as insecurity tightened its fists on other states, instances of insecurity first emerged in disturbing pockets. In the past one year, these trickles of insecurity have since flashed into floods that have left men, women, and children on the brink. According to reports, some communities have become ghost towns with survivors fleeing after the brutal killing of some residents. Traditional rulers have not been spared either.

In February, about 200 people were cut down by jihadists in Kaima. In November 2025, there was the attack on the Christ Apostolic Church in Eruku, Kwara State. Recently, about three brave Nigerian soldiers were gunned down in Kemanji, Kaima Local Government Area of the state.

 The question that everyone concerned should be asking, and it should be all Nigerians, is this: why the sudden spike of insecurity in Kwara State, and what exactly is the government doing about it?

It Is no secret that Nigeria is scoring really poorly on the major indices of development, like human capital development, education, and health. But should the citizens of Africa’s largest democracy and economy also have to bear the backbreaking burden of devastating insecurity to go along with grinding poverty?

Unfortunately, under the very eyes of the APC administration, which has held the reins of power in Nigeria for the past eleven years, life in Nigeria has become brutish, nasty, and short.

In many rural communities where life is already pockmarked by a lack of resources and opportunities, non-state actors ride roughshod over people, uprooting entire communities, upturning lives, and overturning long-held roots.

At this table, which has yielded nothing but disaster, death, and devastation for Nigerians, sit jihadists, many of whom either operate as outright terrorists, Fulani herdsmen, or bandits. What alarms the most is that Nigeria seems unable to take decisive action to rein in insecurity.

All over the country, while brave young soldiers continue to make sacrifices in defense of the country, terrorists are supposedly being deradicalized and reintegrated into society when there are clear indications that they are compromising the war against terror.

Nigeria remains critically unsafe, and with each passing day, insecurity seems to spike, especially in rural areas where life was already perched on the precipice.

Entire families are caught in Nigeria’s tangled web of insecurity, and damningly, the government is more reluctant than ever to act. All those responsible appear interested in discussing is the impending 2027 elections.

Nigeria’s decision-makers, cocooned in Abuja, many of whom have their families abroad, may labor under the illusion that they are safe, but it is an illusion that can only go so far. Insecurity’s insidious incisiveness means that a danger to one anywhere in Nigeria is a danger to all.

There is also a painful lesson in the tragic uncertainty many in Kwara State are enduring today. The lesson is one in leadership failure. In 2027, they must be able to draw from their deep well of suffering to find the courage they need to take the right decisions and make the necessary changes.

Ike Willie-Nwobu, Ikewilly9@gmail.com

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JUSTICE AND DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL

A Supreme Court decision that is timely and grounded can restore the balance between power and opposition, argues PAT ONUKWULI

At a moment when delay risks disenfranchisement and silence tilts the scales of power, the Supreme Court is called upon not merely to decide a case, but to defend the architecture of Nigeria’s democracy. In this slow, grinding process, time is never neutral; it either sharpens justice or blunts it. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) matter before the Court has outgrown litigation; it is now a defining test of legal reasoning and institutional resolve.

What was once a dispute over party leadership has now assumed constitutional gravity. The ADC, through its counsel, has formally urged the apex court to deliver judgement within days, warning that any further delay could irreparably damage its ability to participate in the 2027 general election. This is no ordinary plea. It is, in effect, a warning that time itself is becoming a barrier to democratic participation.

A court may reserve judgement, but democracy cannot afford indefinite suspension. Delay, in this context, is not administrative; it is existential. Where clarity is withheld, uncertainty multiplies; where uncertainty lingers, power consolidates. Silence, then, is not empty; it speaks, and often in favour of the already dominant.

The facts are stark. Following a lower court ruling, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has de-recognised the ADC’s leadership, leaving a registered party effectively incapacitated at a critical electoral moment. With timelines already in motion, the consequences of delay are no longer speculative but immediate and potentially irreversible. A party without leadership is, in essence, a vessel adrift in turbulent waters.

The Supreme Court, as the apex judicial authority, is more than a court of law; it is the final custodian of constitutional meaning. In moments such as this, it must act not with haste, but with timeliness, not with impulse, but with urgency. For justice that arrives late does not merely limp; it risks irrelevance.

Nigeria stands at a threshold, between plurality and uniformity, contestation and compliance. The ADC matter, though technical, poses a deeper question: will the country sustain a genuine multi-party democracy, or drift toward a one-party state masked in democratic form? The ADC has warned of a broader pattern of opposition destabilisation. Whether fully accepted or not, the effect is clear: when opposition platforms are weakened by conflict or delay, the democratic field narrows, and choice becomes illusion.

This is the paradox: stability without competition is stagnation; unity without dissent is uniformity. Democracy thrives on structured disagreement. As the tale of Icarus reminds us, power without restraint invites collapse. Democracies endure not by the strength of rulers, but by the resistance of opposition. Across established democracies, this is a lived reality. The United Kingdom’s “Loyal Opposition,” the United States of America’s partisan contestation, and Germany’s coalition politics all ensure that power is balanced, not monopolised.

Nigeria must do the same. A weakened opposition is not a political inconvenience; it is a democratic vulnerability. It narrows choice while widening power; it simplifies governance while complicating accountability. It creates the illusion of order, even as it erodes the substance of democracy.

The judiciary, in this equation, is both a referee and a stabiliser, detached yet decisive; impartial yet impactful. A timely judgement on the ADC matter would not constitute judicial overreach; it would represent constitutional fidelity. It would affirm that the rule of law is not elastic, that justice is not seasonal, and that democracy is not optional.

Philosophically, the tension is ancient. Plato imagined a republic governed by wisdom, but modern democracies recognise that wisdom must be institutionalised rather than personified. Courts, therefore, are not ornamental; they are foundational. When they hesitate excessively, the structure they uphold begins to wobble.

To delay, therefore, ultimately, is to decide, only without transparency. It allows the present imbalance to harden into precedent, the temporary to masquerade as permanent. In the ADC matter, such a delay risks more than procedural inconvenience; it risks disenfranchising millions of Nigerians who seek political expression through a platform of their choice.

The warning has already been sounded in the public square: if the judiciary falters, the integrity of the 2027 elections themselves may be called into question. This is not alarmism; it is a recognition that elections are not merely events, but processes, processes that depend on timely, credible, and enforceable legal frameworks.

Nigeria now faces a stark contrast: a democracy that is noisy, plural, and alive, or one that is quiet, concentrated, and controlled. The former may appear untidy, but it is the untidiness of freedom; the latter may seem orderly, but it is the orderliness of constraint. One invites participation; the other enforces compliance.

At this inflexion point, the Supreme Court sits at the fulcrum. A decision that is timely, clear, and grounded can restore the balance between power and opposition, authority and accountability; anything less risks a slide into hollow opposition, ritual elections, and quiet authoritarianism.

Democracy rarely collapses overnight; it erodes in moments of delay and indecision. The ADC matter is one such moment. The Court must speak, now, not later. For in this hour, it is not just a case that stands before the bench; justice and democracy themselves are on trial.

Dr. Onukwuli is a legal scholar and public affairs analyst.

Email: patonukwuli2003@yahoo.co.uk