Bola A. Akinterinwa
“African Continent without the Maghrebin Region, Now a Desideratum: Morocco as an Agent Provocateur,” was the title of the Vie Internationale of Sunday, February 5, 2023. The column was written against the background of the US-led NATO policy consideration to use Morocco as a possible staging point in fighting Russia for invading Ukraine. The invasion, which Russia has described as ‘special military intervention’ is on-going. The point was made that Morocco appeared to have been more of a centrifugal force, more of an agent of disunity and an agent of the West to foment trouble in Africa and undermine Nigeria’s national interest, particularly in the West African region.
Morocco had been used as a staging point for the Entebbe Raid against Idi Amin of Uganda who aided and abetted international terrorism. Even though the hijacking of an airplane in which there were many Israelis was very condemnable and for which there must not be any compromise, our point is the frequent choice of Morocco to be used for logistic assistance to launch attacks. Attention was also drawn to how Morocco began to undermine the OAU objectives of total decolonization with its open chair policy at the OAU meetings whenever the issue of independence of the Spanish Sahara was raised.
As if this Moroccan case was not enough, Tunisia, also of the Maghreb, added insult into injury with the policy declaration of its President, Kais Saied, who said, on February 21, 2023 that the black African migrants in his country were responsible for the insecurity and development setbacks in Tunisia. He therefore ordered Tunisian officials to take urgent measures to tackle irregular migration. Without doubt, there is absolutely nothing wrong in declaring unwanted irregular migrants. The truth however is that President Saied was more xenophobic and racist than the pretentious argument of insecurity.
As President Saied put it, there is a criminal plan aimed at altering ‘Tunisia’s demographic make-up to consider it solely African with no affiliation to the Arab or Islamic nations.’ More important, he said the influx of sub-Sahara African migrants must end. ‘The undeclared goal of the successive waves of illegal immigration is to consider Tunisia a purely African country that has no affiliation to the Arab and Islamic nations,’ President Saied told the Tunisian National Security Council. This is the main reason why the making of a United States of Black Africa has become a desideratum and why the African leaders’ Agenda 2063 should be redefined and put in the context of Africa of Black Africa.
AU and Tunisian Foreign Policy
President Saied’s foreign policy comment on alleged illegal migrants raises many concerns for various reasons. First, like Morocco, Tunisia appears to be serving the interest of Italy and is being used as an instrument of protection of extra-African interest. For instance, Italy, in particular, wants Tunisia to stop migration into Italy by all means. This point is especially buttressed by the observation of Ben Amor who noted that ‘Saieds’s comments about migrants showed he had obviously and totally caved in to pressure from the Italian authorities to stop the arrival of hordes of illegal immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa,’ President Saied, Ben Amor further contended, sees the immigrants as bringing ‘violence, crime and unacceptable practices’ to Tunisia (vide RFI reports of 22 February 2023;mhttp://www.rfi.fr). In other words, if there had not been great pressure by Italy on Tunisia, there would not have been any need for stating that Tunisia had ‘obviously and totally caved in to pressure…’
What is most uninteresting in the comments of the Tunisian leader is not the issue of illegality of immigration but the originating countries of the migrants which are sub-Saharan countries. Sub-Saharan Africa was specifically referred to by Tunisia and Italy. And true enough, in international politics, Africans have generally acquiesced to the classification of Africa into two using the Sahara desert as the factor. This gave room to the existence of ‘below the Sahara desert and above the Sahara desert.’ Below the Sahara is synonymous with sub-Sahara, while the above the Sahara is synonymous with the Maghrebin countries. They are considered more developed and are also referred to as North African countries (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, are located going by Article 1 (d) and 1(e) of the 1991 Abuja Treaty on establishment of an African Economic Community.
Explained differently, the target of President Saied’s comments is basically black Africa. But why are Italy and Tunisia against black African migrants? Following President Saied’s speech and order to his security officials to take ‘urgent measures’ to tackle irregular migration, there have been several attacks almost every day on black migrants. They are being kicked out by their landlords and are being physically assaulted. The situation has been so critical that even the migrants that have official residence permits, even the legitimate students with scholarships, have to quickly apply to their embassies for assistance in evacuating them from Tunisia.
The issue in this case is the conflict between the policy remark by the president and the policy implementation by the security agents. President Saied talked about illegal migrants against whom urgent measures were to be taken. In other words, only documented migrants should be allowed in Tunisia. However, the implementation of the order was carried out as if the order was meant to place a blanket ban on black African migrants. Although the President might say one thing in the public and still give further directive on the implementation strategy discreetly, the problem for black African migrants remains the wickedness of xenophobic policies. This is an international discrimination of the first order.
Reportedly, there are 21,000 purported illegal migrants in Tunisia. Immediately after President Saied’s order to the security agents to take necessary steps to curb migrants from sub-Saharan Africa and the migrants were mercilessly dealt with as ordered, the Ivoirian Ambassador in Tunis said 1,100 Ivoirians, out of a total of 7000, applied for urgent evacuation from Tunisia. Malians and Guineans similarly and promptly sought to be evacuated. In fact, Guineans have not only been evacuated, they have reportedly also reciprocated the Tunisian saga. The situational reality as of today is an Africa that is divided against itself, and seriously laying a foundation for deeper animosity or hatred. Some migrants refer to Tunisians as ‘very savage’ and described their hatred as ‘hatred without reason.’ The other major concern is that there are Tunisians in various parts of Africa, particularly in West Africa and most of the immigrants in Tunisia are from the West African region. Should Tunisians be mistreated and similarly be declared personae non-grata in West Africa?
Fourthly, President Saied purports to be what he really is not. President Saied, after a tête-à-tête with the Guinea Bissau leader and current ECOWAS Chairman, President Umaro Sissoco Embalo, declared as follows: ‘I am African and I am proud to be African? True enough he is an African but which African? He is Arab and Arabophone African who is anti-Black Africa so to say. He does not want the culture of the Arab African to be denatured by black African migrants. As such, he is not and cannot be a black African. Claiming to be simultaneously an Arab and a Black African can only give room to international cheating to borrow the idea of Professor Bolaji Akinwande Akinyemi, who once noted that gains and opportunities that are meant for Africa, and particularly black Africa, are often taken by others like the Arabophones. Morocco once applied to become a member of the European Community but to no avail. Another concern is the motivation behind Morocco’s application to become a member of the ECOWAS. Why? Morocco is in North Africa by OAU classification. Each region of Africa is required to promote regional integration with the ultimate objective of harmonizing all the five regions’ efforts for the purposes of continental integration. Whatever is the case, there is still a political lull over Morocco’s membership.
Today, Tunisians do not want sub-Saharan migrants in their country. Under what contexts can Tunisians be compelled to accept what they are against? Non-acceptance of illegal immigrants is quite understandable as noted earlier above. If the action of President Saied is informed by illegality of migration, how do we also explain the mistreatment of black Tunisians? How do we explain those black Africans residing legally in Tunisia but preferring to return to their home countries? Why would students on scholarship and those in their last university year want to to be quickly evacuated from Tunisia? If sub-Saharan people are not wanted in any part of the world why should black people seek to impose themselves where they are not wanted? Where is the black dignity and self-respect if one is seeking self-imposition? The policy of regional integration should be largely predicated on mutual respect.
Fifthly, President Saied’s comment raises issues in international law and secondly, conflicts with the fundamental objectives of the AU. In the context of International Law, Tunisia is simply saying that she does not care about the sanctity of arguments. Besides, the mistreatment of non-white, seen by many scholars as an expression of racism per excellence, also raises many issues bothering on African regional unity and integration. Explained differently, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was established in 1963 with the ultimate objective of promoting African continental unity and development. For this main purpose of continental unity and development, the policy of accepting and sustaining the international borders inherited at the time of political independence, was adopted as a guiding rule of intra-African relations.
More interestingly, the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action meant to promote the economic development of Africa in the period 1980-2000 was not only adopted, the 1991 Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community was additionally done to harmonise national efforts at unity and integration. The belief was to promote national unity and integration as a first step to achieving continental unity. This is precisely why the 1991 Abuja Treaty provides in its Article 1(d) and 1(e) for the re-classification of Africa as a continent of five regions, rather than accepting the United Nations’ consideration of Africa as a single region. This is also why the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was negotiated and adopted.
Towards the United States of Black Africa
Every country, every sovereign state has distinct foreign policy objectives, which can be shared and conflicting. For example, as France is considered as Nigeria’s immediate neighbor by propinquity, Nigeria does not want any French influence in her immediate neighbourhood that will be detrimental to the protection of her own national interest. In the same vein, France is hostile to a Nigeria that will be capable of undermining French interests in Africa, in general, and in Nigeria’s immediate neighbor, in particular.
The focus of United States foreign policy is largely predicated on a set of quadrilateral pillars: the pillar of protection of the United States and its citizens and allies, especially in terms of self-preservation; the pillar of ensuring continual access to international resources and markets; the pillar of maintenance of balance of power in international politics; and the pillar of protection of human rights and democracy. In many cases, the protection of these objectives can be by manu militari or by use of brute force.
Put differently, while balance of power may be of special interest to the United States, the same may not be true of small powers. In fact, the pursuit of democratic culture does not mean much for dictatorial regimes. It is against this background that the analysis and understanding of the mistreatment of landed immigrants in Tunisia should be carried out and understood. In this regard, what is the foreign policy attitude to Tunisia on migration? Why are landed immigrants considered personae non-grata in Tunisia? The explanations will be helpful in understanding the desiderata for an Africa of Black people without the Arab world.
From the foregoing, the need for a United States of Black Africa has become a continental desideratum in light of contemporary international relations. International relations are increasingly characterized by strengthened quest for self-preservation in various ramifications: reasons of cultural and ethnic identity, economic protectionism, rejection of immigrants, perception of landed immigrants as source of economic poverty and political instability, and as a major dynamic of national insecurity.
There is no disputing the fact that the European Union and particularly the United Kingdom do not want immigrants, whether landed, legal or illegal. The case of the United Kingdom signing an agreement with Rwanda to accept unwanted immigrants in the United Kingdom and compensating Rwanda financially is a good illustration of this point. What Italy is doing with Tunisia is not different. The usual argument that immigrants are contributing to the growth and development of their host countries is no longer fashionable and acceptable. This development necessarily explains the need for hard rethinking in Africa.
Without doubt, efforts at the level of continental unity and development in the post-independence era, dates back to 1963 with the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). The efforts were consolidated with the adoption of the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action for the Economic Development of Africa, 1980-2000. The plan was done to increase Africa’s self-sufficiency and reduce Africa’s dependency on Western countries by simply seeking to maximize unity of purpose and Africa’s own resources. Indeed, it was in furtherance of this economic development plan that the 1991 Abuja Treaty Establishing an African Economic Community was done.
In 2013 when the OAU attained fifty years of existence, necessity compelled African leaders to begin to look at the next fifty years especially that the struggle for liberation, decolonization and de-apartheidisation had become issues of the past. The need to refocus and reprioritize Africa’s agenda was then in vogue. Emphasis was then placed on ‘inclusive, social and economic development, continental and regional integration, democratic governance, peace and security, amongst other issues aimed at repositioning Africa to becoming a dominant player in the global arena,’ Consequently, at the 50th Anniversary Solemn Declaration in 2013, a new Pan African Vision of ‘an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens, representing a dynamic force in the international arena’ was established and named Agenda 2063.
It is within the context of this Agenda 2063 that the African Continental Free Trade Area was done on January 01, 2019 and that the Protocol on the Single African Air Transport Market, as well as the October 9 2020 Protocol on Free Movement, which provides for the right of free movement, right of residence and right of establishment in any Member State of the AU, were all done
In the same vein, The Preamble to the Constitutive Act of the African Union stipulates that the signatories to the Act, including Tunisia, were ‘guided by our common vision of a united and strong Africa and by the need to build a partnership between governments and all segments of civil society, in particular women, youth and the private sector, in order to strengthen solidarity and cohesion among peoples.’ More important, the signatories also recalled their decision ‘to establish an African Union in conformity with the ultimate objectives of the Charter of our Continental Organisation and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community’ as agreed to in Sirte, Libya on 9-9-99.
It is against this background that Article 3 (a) of the AU Constitutive Act, stipulates the achievement of ‘greater unity and solidarity between African countries and the peoples of Africa’ as the first objective of the African Union.’ Article 3(c) stipulates the acceleration of ‘the political and socio-economic integration of the continent as another complementary objective. Additionally, Article 3(i) obligates the signatories to ‘promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies.’
Based on these provisions, in which way is the containment of sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia consistent with the obligation to promote greater unity and solidarity in Africa? In which way does the Tunisia policy helpful to the acceleration of political and economic integration of Africa? In fact, development of Africa is to be sustained not simply at the level of economic, but also at the socio-cultural, levels. President Saied is very afraid of black African culture coming to pollute the Tunisian Arab culture. Did Tunisia not know when she signed the Constitutive Act of the AU? Was she induced into error of signing the Act?
However, while major efforts are being made to sustain African unity, African growth and development, African security and African identity, very glaring efforts are also contrarily being made by Tunisia to dissociate itself from one Africa. Tunisia, like Egypt, presents itself as African in the morning, as Arab country in the afternoon, and indifferently in the evening. In the process, foreigners, as well as black Tunisians, are discriminated against even within Tunisia. Indeed, Tunisian policy is very inconsistent with the African Union’s efforts at continental unity and regional integration. It is therefore unacceptable to be preaching politico-economic African integration, on the one hand, and forcing out citizens of Member States of the African Union to which Morocco and Tunisia also belong, on the other. The solution to this recidivist mistreatment of African Black migrants is the re-definition of Africa to carve out a United States of Black Africa.
