The NIIA-KAS-GIZ Conference on ECOWAS @ 50: Democracy, Governance and Political Stability as Challenges

Bola A. Akinterinwa 

NIIA is Nigerian Institute of International Affairs. It was established in 1961 as a foreign policy think-tank, as an International Institute in Africa, an African Institute in Nigeria, and a Nigerian Institute in Lagos. More important, it was given a non-dependent status and mandate to promote the scientific study of international politics, economics, and jurisprudence, with emphasis on research, educating the general public, training, and advising Government. 

The KAS is the acronym for Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, a German political foundation with two main headquarters, one in Berlin and the other in Sankt Augustin near Bonn, which plays host to the Archives for Christian-Democratic Politics. It was created from the Society for Christian Democratic Educational Work which was established in 1955 and which adopted the name of the first Federal Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, whose principles guide the conduct and management of KAS affairs. In fact, the KAS is an affiliation of the Christian Democratic Union of Germany, but has financial and organisational autonomy. More important, the KAS has offices in many countries of the world, including Nigeria and generally promotes liberal democracy, social market economy, transatlantic relations and European unity.

The GIZ is the synonym for Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit. It is also a German organisation with headquarters in Bonn and Eschborn. It is owned by the Federal Republic of Germany and provides various services to facilitate international cooperation for sustainable development and international educational work. The GIZ works ‘to shape a future worth living around the world. This is GIZ vision and long-term goal. GIZ provides tailor-made, cost-efficient and effective services for sustainable development. 

The NIIA, KAS and GIZ are holding an international conference to mark ECOWAS at 50 on Tuesday, 20th and Wednesday, 21st May, 2025 at the NIIA.

A Preview of the Conference 

A conference on ECOWAS at 50 is a desideratum at this material time, and particularly because of the current challenges of disintegration faced by the ECOWAS. The importance attached to the ECOWAS at 50 is to the extent that it has become a major concern for the foreign affairs community at home and abroad. For instance, the Association of the Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria (ARCAN) has devoted the current edition of its Journal to the ECOWAS at 50. The African Association of Political Science (AAPS) similarly has a special book edition on ECOWAS at 50. And more interestingly, and consistent with its tradition, the NIIA, is also organising a special international conference in collaboration with the KAS and the GIZ.

In the words of the Chairman of the Local Organising Committee, Professor Femi Otubanjo, a seasoned scholar on his own right, the conference is designed to be ‘a landmark international conference… to examine ECOWAS as a regional organisation in general and comparative perspective, especially in light of the global tendency of regional organisations to transform from conventional economic organisation to political, social, security, military, governance and all-purpose organisations.’ In this regard, the international conference wants ‘to examine the past, present, and future of ECOWAS, in view of the recent threats to its survival and the changing global order.’ 

Without any jot of doubt, the KAI and GIZ appear to be much interested in what future is awaiting the ECOWAS after fifty years of recidivist challenges. When the ECOWAS was conceived, it first faced the challenge of the CEAO (Communauté Economique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest), meaning West African Economic Community. The initial objective was basically economic, to have a common market and integration. And perhaps most significantly, the 1991 Abuja Treaty that established the African Economic Community was much concerned with continental politico-economic integration that it had to redefine Africa as a continent of five regions (vide article 1(d) of the Treaty). The Treaty not only consciously rejected the international definition of Africa as just one region, its Article 1(e) also provides for the possible establishment of sub-regions to be carved out in a region or out of more than one regions. Today, it is this notion of one region that is actually the issue when investigating the past, present and the future of the ECOWAS at 50.

And most interestingly, the international conference is scheduled to assess the performance, successes and failure of the ECOWAS; to examine the non-state interfaces of the organisation; and ‘to examine the regional and international partnerships and collaboration of ECOWAS in the search for increased visibility.’ It is against this background that the conference has been structured into two main parts: ceremonial and working. The ceremonial aspect is synonymous with the opening session during which the dynamics and methodological frameworks are expected to be given to guide the general discussions. The working aspect is divided into six sessions. The opening ceremony and the first three working sessions are to be held on Tuesday, 20th May. The other sessions are to hold the following day.

The structure of the conference is particularly noteworthy. First, the whole conference will be shared by a veteran of Nigeria’s foreign relations, Professor Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi. He was not only a former Foreign Minister, but a notable architect of several foreign policy innovations in Nigeria’s foreign policy. It is on record that he came up with what is known as the 1986 ‘Akinyemi Consultation Doctrine’ in Nigeria’s foreign policy. The Technical Aid Corps scheme is also his brain child. The same is true of the Concert of Medium Powers, which was renamed Lagos Forum. What about his idea of black bomb? What about his founding of the Academy of International Affairs of which he is the incumbent President in Nigeria? Bringing such a man of impeccable experience to oversee the whole conference cannot but reflect a seriousness of purpose on the part of the organisers. Professor Akinyemi is the incumbent Chairman of the Governing Council of the NIIA.

Secondly, the official theme of the conference is “International Conference on ECOWAS at 50: A Story of Resilience and Integration.’ This theme is loaded with many implications because the theme does not see any manifestation of failure. It only sees the ECOWAS as bathing in resilience and continued hope in integration. There is nothing wrong with this perception especially that it clearly shows that the organisers have constituted themselves into a positive school of thought on the ECOWAS at 50.

Thirdly, German involvement cannot but be noteworthy because Marija Peran, the Resident Representative of the KAS, will be making a policy statement, and so will the Consul General of the German Consulate General in Lagos, His Excellency Weert Boerner. They expectedly will explain the rationales for their interest in and support for the conference.

Fourthly, and perhaps most interestingly, General Gowon or Mr ‘Go On With One Nigeria’, is billed to give some reminisces. Every session will have 3- or 4-paper presentations, each presentation not exceeding 10 minutes. The implication is that presenters are not required to read, but to talk to their papers. Some of the presentations have the potential to be very thought-provoking: Professor Ibrahim Abdulla of the University of Sierra Leone, Logo, Freetown, will be talking about “Cities, Citizenship and Marginal Others: Reimagining ECOWAS after 50 Years.” Professor Camara Bakary, the Honorary Dean, University of São Paulo Legal and Political Sciences in Bamako, Mali, will also be talking about “Democratic Reversals in West Africa: Reassessing ECOWAS’ Response Mechanism. How will their papers impact on the restoration of better entente with the AES countries?  

Put differently, the first working session, which is scheduled to last for thirty minutes only, will focus on ‘regional integration and economic development’ and will be chaired by Professor Adele Jinadu of the Political Science Department of University of Lagos. Three papers are expected to be presented at this session: while Professor Abayomi Akinyeye of the Department of History and Strategic Studies of the University of Lagos, will be discussing the “ECOWAS at 50: Achievements, Failures and Challenges of Regional Integration,” and Dr Adesuwa Erediauwa, an NIIA Senior Research Fellow, will be focusing on “ECOWAS and the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA): Synergies and Challenges,” Professor Eghosa Osagie, a former Director of Research at the NIPSS and former Vice Chancellor of Benson Idahosa University in Benin City, will be addressing “ECOWAS and ECO Currency: Can the West Africa Monetary Zone (WAMZ) be achieved?”

Very interesting a question. No feasible answer can be given. This shows the beauty in the organisation of the conference: address the many issues involved. We contend here that all the themes of the scheduled working sessions cannot but be largely defined by democracy, governance and political stability which is the theme of working Session III. This is so because the most critical challenge of the ECOWAS at 50 is how to manage democracy, ensure good governance and regional security. All the other themes are secondary definienda. 

Democracy, Governance and Political Stability  

Democracy, governance, and political stability are three concepts that are much interconnected. For instance, democracy is an important instrument of good governance, especially if democracy is allowed to function well. A well-functioning democracy cannot but guarantee accountability, transparency, and the observation of the rule of law. If, for instance, the KAS and the GIZ are much interested in the conference, it cannot but be because of their concerns for the promotion of liberal democracy. And true enough, political instability can easily weaken democracy and political institutions both of which can also catalyse instability.

It was because of the need for democracy that unconstitutional change of government was barred. The same reason is valid for the introduction of democratisation as a conditionality for development aid to African countries at the Franco-African Summit held in La Baule in 1990. And true enough again, it is the non-acceptability of the coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger that led to the current misunderstanding between the AES and the ECOWAS.

The issue of governance is even more critical. The ECOWAS is not able to easily bring back the AES countries to its fold because of bad governance of which many elected governments have been accused in Africa. Elected governments in the AES countries have been accused of institutional corruption, ineptitude, and incapacity to guarantee security. In the specific case of Niger, the ousted President, Mohammed Bazoum, is seen in Niger as a stooge of France, hence the much public animosity. He was also accused of having much delight in sanctioning opposition elements on the basis of the whims and caprices of France. He frequently dealt with Nigeriens that are seen to be anti-French. 

When the ECOWAS was considering the possibility of sanctioning Niger Republic, the people came in support of the military junta. The support from the people cannot but continue to thrive for as long as the AES leaders are seen to be targeted for killing by the big powers. In the same vein, for as long the name of democracy will be used to manipulate the Constitution with the ultimate objective of sit-tightism in power, political governance cannot but remain an impediment to the growth of democracy and containment of political instability.

Democracy is, more often than not, linked to the rule of law and citizen participation. Where rule of law is emphasised, good governance and predictability can be expected because corruption is a major dynamic of bad political governance. In addition, democratic freedom, freedom of movement and rights of establishment in the ECOWAS region have also become sources of national insecurity, particularly in Nigeria. Criticisms of the protocol on free movement within the ECOWAS region are increasing in Nigeria and appear to being taken advantage of by the terrorists crossing from the Sahel area to Nigeria. 

Besides, elected governments have not been able to contain the increasing terrorist threats in the ECOWAS region. Even with the 1 August, 2014 French Opération Barkhane in Mali, which ended on 9 November, 2022, France did not succeed in containing terrorism. The operation was a counter-terrorism campaign. It was the failure of the operation that heightened the dislike for France and that compelled the people in the AES countries to support the coupists. It is not because the people want dictatorship but when their so-called elected leaders are fraudulently corrupt and engaging in poor governance, the option of the worst devil cannot but become a necessity. This necessarily makes the likelihood of return of the AES countries to the ECOWAS remote and, therefore a matter of dream. Many issues are raised as a result.

First, and most unfortunately, French and American military bases have been closed down in Niger and France and the United States are desperately looking for alternative military bases. Both countries want the relocation of their bases to the Gulf Region, and particularly to Nigeria. The feasibility of relocation to Nigeria is currently remote The Government cannot afford the luxury of openly discussing the issue because of its public sensitivity. In this regard, can the ECOWAS at 50 consider an understanding with France and the United States since the AES countries have withdrawn from the ECOWAS? 

Secondly, can the withdrawal of the AES countries from the ECOWAS foster continental and regional integration and unity? Put differently, does it mean that the AES will be completely independent of the African Union activities? How should the AES and the ECOWAS go about their regional integration efforts in West Africa? As we have severally noted, the establishment of the AES as a sub-region within the ECOWAS region is very consistent with the provisions of the 1991 Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community. How does the ECOWAS continue to relate with the AES?

Thirdly, in the planned Session III, which is on democracy, governance and political stability, the interest of paper presenter Professor Bakary is to investigate ECOWAS response mechanism to current developments in the region. Whatever may be the status of the response, political will, especially in terms of institutional funding, cannot be set aside. The ECOWAS generally has little capacity to get rid in its region terrorists and the ongoing Islamic jihad. Much is therefore expected from Professor Bakary’s paper.

Fourthly, what may warrant greater attention at the conference cannot but be what the post-ECOWAS-at-50 environment in the next one decade will be. In this regard, the issue of democracy, governance and political instability is what is most likely to drive all discussions and identified challenges with which the ECOWAS is currently faced. Put differently, to what extent can the ECOWAS ensure democracy and good governance in its Member States? When will the ECOWAS be able to ensure social cohesion, political stability which gives credibility to democratic institutions?

Professor Alade Fawole wants to investigate the implications of the expanding presence of foreign powers while Professor Deji Adekunle, SAN, wants to raise the question of democratic stability within the institutional and legal frameworks. In the same vein, Dr Aderemi Ajibewa, an ambassadorial Fellow, wants to explicate the extent of effectiveness of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. And perhaps more interestingly, Dr (Mrs) Omotola Ilesanmi, a Senior Research Fellow with the NIIA, is more interested in the inclusion of women in political governance, security, and development. The interest of Associate Professor Joshua Bolarinwa of the NIIA is not different. He wants to look at the impact of the free movement protocol in the transition of ECOWAS of states to an ECOWAS of people. And undoubtedly, Dr Rita Agu, another Senior Research Fellow at the NIIA, is much concerned about the roles the ECOWAS institutions can play in the post-ECOWAS at 50 era.

Without whiff of doubt, all these concerns shown by the various paper presenters raise questions about what future for the ECOWAS, especially in terms of ties with the AES. Professor Festus Aubyn, the Regional Coordinator, Research and Capacity Building, West Africa Network for Building-Regional, in Accra Ghana, is specifically asking what will be the future of both the AES and the ECOWAS in his paper. Has the ECOWAS any bright future? To what extent can the ECOWAS enforce democratisation or sustain the rule of non-acceptance of unconstitutional change of government in Africa? Can elections be devoid of scientific rigging in Africa? Most, if not all, elections in Africa are rigged and when rigged elections are presented to the public, political stake holders talked about democratic victory. Thus, what should Africa do about democratic fraud or use of fraud to sustain democracy? Does Africa need democratic fraud in political governance? These are issues in the future of ECOWAS at 50 and thereafter. This partly explains why the concerns about what future are increasing and critical. The future appears to be tough and ECOWAS and the whole of Africa are most likely to be compelled to return to efforts at self-reliance, Nigeria First, Ghana first, Senegal First and so on in the mania of Donald Trump. New situational reality will compel a change of attitude. Politics of regional integration and always following whatever is done in Europe may soon become a thing of the past.

And true enough, there are many pointers to more membership withdrawal from the ECOWAS. What happens if Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire also withdraw? If they do not withdraw but opt to join the AES, which allegiance will have primacy by way of effectiveness: AES or the ECOWAS? Will the future not witness a restoration of the old rivalry between the Francophone and the Anglophone countries?  Will France be or not be happier than ever before if there is a new misunderstanding? How will Morocco take the development since Morocco wanted to join the ECOWAS but rejected? What will be the place of Africa in the US foreign policy recalculations of President Donald Trump? Has the ECOWAS at 50 a policy on the possible relocation of the French and American military bases to its region? Has it a position on the expansion of Sino-Russian influence in the ECOWAS region? Is ECOWAS at 50 not in a carrefour of confusion and therefore must make haste slowly in forging ahead? ECOWAS must look before it leaps, investigate the dynamics of the various assassination attempts on the life of Ibrahim Traore in Burkina Faso. African youths are increasingly supporting him. Any miscalculation by the ECOWAS Authority may warrant the hostility of the youth, in which case the arrow of God may be struck, things may fall apart, and there may be no longer at ease, to borrow from Chinua Achebe. This is why the NIIA-KAS-GIZ international conference beginning in the next two days is most welcome.