PARTY PRIMARIES AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN GOVERNANCE
There is a nexus between how candidates emerge in primaries and accountability, argues Felix Oladeji
Modern democracy highlights the importance of political parties both in agenda-setting and in displaying party aspirants from whom the electorate must choose. Post-cold war conflicts in most developing democracies have largely erupted as a struggle by the poor masses to hold their political officeholders to account for the resources at their disposal. This is based on the notion that democracy empowers them through participation in voting for the political officeholders. This logic can be taken but the question is whether they influence the party primaries that produced the candidates they voted for. There is a great nexus between how candidates emerge in party primaries and the ability of the ordinary electorate to demand accountability from them.
The return to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999 raised the hope that the myriad of problems ranging from instability in the polity, social ills, poor economic development, and alienated political leadership, if not eradicated could be drastically reduced. No doubt, there have been turbulent periodic elections; however, what is missing is engendering accountability, responsiveness, electoral stability, internal security, and economic development that will culminate into good governance. The disparity between the few elite including their clients and the other masses shows that the elected political office holders have not been accountable to the masses in whose trust they hold office. I locate the malady to the type of political party primary election conducted in Nigeria. The existing approach to address the problem of accountability by the political officeholders in Nigeria has been the conventional focus on institutional reform to generate positive change.
However, this is near impossible in a political system where political parties that nominate candidates for election are a “property” of few individuals who impose preferred candidates on the political system.
There is a paucity of literature focusing mainly on party primaries in Nigeria. This is connected with the fact that the development of the political party in Nigeria came as a form of resistance or attack against the colonial government. The democratic process in the selection of party candidates at this period did not matter as preference could be on the individuals that can display braveness in confronting the colonial government or bridging penetration by political rivals from other parts of Nigeria as manifested in post-independence party formation in Nigeria. There was a combination of tradition and charisma in the actions of the political leaders of Action Group (AG) in Western Nigeria, National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) in Eastern Nigeria, Northern People’s Congress (NPC) in Northern Nigeria, and Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) led by Aminu Kano. Leadership dexterity was considered above internal democracy therefore, party members were willing to trade off any form of internal conflicts because of the need to prevent internal rupture. The formerly dominant parties in the regions respectively might vigorously bemoan the repressive tactics used by the agents or their political allies in other regions. The demand for accountability became measured against ‘match-able’ party members vis-a-vis the other parties.
The Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in 1979 exhibited that leadership control was highly entrenched. Though, the leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo expressed democratic socialism but there were doubts over openness within the party.
No one is excluded based on religion, ethnic identity, and place of origin, or prior political affiliation. Yet the degree of ‘openness’ of this process, however much it might have been proclaimed, was found unconvincing by many invitees. Some might come and stay for some time but then drift away accusing Awolowo of playing with a stacked deck. Others could never convince themselves that those who had spent years around the table would not have an unmatchable advantage over the newcomers. Even if the cards were fairly dealt, how could they ever be certain that the veterans would not use covert understanding especially of the ways of the master to keep them off balance and ineffective?
Awolowo argues that it was the height of absurdity for anyone to think that largely non-literate electorate would be capable of deciding what is in its interest and to believe otherwise was to be nothing but irresponsible. However, the rank-and-file prevailed over late chief Obafemi Awolowo against Pa Alayande his preferred candidate in the governorship primary election in Oyo State in the Second Republic (1979-1983) and voted for late Chief Bola Ige. The same scenario occurred in Kwara State in 1983 when the rank-and-file in the party voted for Senator Cornelius Adebayo in the party primary conducted three times to defeat late Joseph Sunday Olawoyin as the gubernatorial candidate preferred by late chief Obafemi Awolowo (THISDAY, 13 December 2006, p.88). The situation in Anambra was different. There, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe leader of Nigeria People’s Party (NPP) imposed Jim Nwobodo who contested under the party as a gubernatorial candidate through the handwritten paper to the party in 1978.
Terminologies such as affirmation or template emerged as a method of conducting party primaries, congresses, and conventions with seldom direct or open party primaries common to all political parties in this 4th republic. Political party primary within AD was more of a concluded affair because party ticket was largely used to compensate individual commitment to the struggle against military repression. The issue applied to ANPP in which five out of the six aspirants stepped down for Muhammadu Buhari and the protest from one of the aspirants was ignored. The situation was not different in the Action Congress (AC) that adopted Atiku Abubakar the former Vice President to Olusegun Obasanjo who decamped having been frustrated from PDP and was subsequently adopted as a consensus candidate by nine other political parties.
A protest was made by a female contestant who refused to step down in 2014 when PDP adopted a policy of affirmation for presidential party primaries to re- elect Dr. Ebele Jonathan. The outcome pointed to a party primary whose winner had already been determined.
Whereas, the party primary within All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2015 is no difference. Bola Ahmed Tinubu leader of APC displayed his dexterity by espousing the constitution of APC to be, as far as internal democracy is concerned it has taken care of how to select those who contest elections under his party and there is consensus about a particular person. The constitution still demands that there will be a ‘yes’ and ‘no’ vote just to make sure that such a position is the wish of the people.’
Bola Ahmed Tinubu showed more autocratic posture in the governorship primaries within AC in Lagos State on December 8, 2006. He was the sole determinant of the delegate list as well as the party’s candidates for all elections in the State. It was alleged that Tinubu compiled the lists for all political offices alone, all in the bid to install anointed successor Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola, his former Chief of Staff.
In Kwara Central, the daughter of the strongman of Kwara politics, (Senator Olusola Saraki) Senator Gbemisola Saraki was adopted by consensus for the 2007 election. The situation was the same in Oyo State where the son of the strongman of Oyo politics (Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu) Kamoru Adedibu got the ticket for Oyo South. The protesters argued that Adedibu backed others who won and supporters of other aspirants were prevented from entering the venue. The situation re-occurred in Ogun State where the daughter of the incumbent President (Olusegun Obasanjo) Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo Bello picked the ticket for Ogun Central when other aspirants were intimidated out of the contest. The protesters queried why Obasanjo would attend the primary held at M.K.O Abiola Stadium Abeokuta when his daughter is contesting.
The situation in Nasarawa State in 2019 was more reflective of the sordid nature of party primaries in Nigeria. There, the incumbent governor and members of the legislature under APC lost their positions to opponents in PDP through a court ligation because they were imposed on the people rather than through party primaries.
For all practical reasons accountability in governance should be the guiding principle in a democratic system. Examples abound that accountability will be a mirage going by how candidates emerge during primaries in Nigeria. The striking point is the contrivance between the former governor of Anambra State (Senator Chris Ngige) and Chris Uba his political godfather. The conflict between them started only six weeks into Governor Chris Ngige’s administration. The godfather wanted to appoint almost all the commissioners, which the godson rejected. It was reported that Ngige already signed a resignation letter in advance which the godfather would use against him should he renege on his promise to take instructions from his godfather. As captured in an interview granted to Sunday Champion published on June 8, 2003, by Chris Uba as thus:
‘I am the greatest of all godfathers in Nigeria because this is the first time one single individual has single-handedly put in position every politician in a state. I also have the power to remove any of them who does not perform up to expectation anytime I like.’
In another case, Chinwoke Mbadinuju was prevented by PDP from vying for a second term in office as governor of Anambra because he derailed on some agreement with Emeka Offor, a multimillionaire businessperson who sponsored him. Playing up in Ekiti State in 2006, the federal government declared a State of Emergency because the then governor of the state had problems accommodating the interest of the political elite in the state. Analysis of the emergence of Ayodele Fayose as governor of Ekiti State in 2003 shows that the electorate (mostly common people) voted for him as a reaction against his predecessor whom they accused of showcasing affluent governance and caring largely for the elites in the state. He also won in the 2014 gubernatorial election under Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) against the candidate of APC on the accusation of insensitivity to the problems of the common people.
Nominees or appointees of political godfathers are mostly blamed for the corrupt practices in government being employed, appointed, or recruited as patronage for the political godfathers. The government of Nigeria often finds it difficult to prosecute contractors who abandoned their contracts because they were awarded as a proxy to political godfathers.
Although direct primaries are commonly used by political parties in Nigeria however, the process has always been marred by intimidation, vote-buying, and outright declaration of a candidate by a more powerful candidate or group. Three scenarios are evident in Nigeria’s democracy. Firstly, when there is no conflict between the godfather and the godson, it shows that the godson is keeping to the promise. Secondly, when there is a conflict between them, it means that godson is not keeping to the promise. Thirdly, as derived from the second scenario, the common people do not benefit from the conflict because the godson in executing the conflict against his godfather wastes government resources. Therefore rather than engender good governance, accountability, and development political party primaries further impoverishes the common people in Nigeria.
Hence, impositions of candidates on party members during primaries are a common phenomenon in Nigeria. The imposition erodes accountability in governance in the country. The importance of political elites may not be contested but the corrupt system fostered through their operational strategy has risen concern warranting putting a strong limit on political party funding in Nigeria. The realization of good governance will remain a mirage unless civil societies mount pressure on political parties to adopt open primaries to enable common people to elect those who will contest elections on various party labels. Because money is germane in politics there should be legislation that will compel every member of political parties to make a monetary contribution but a limit of N5000 should be set for each member to forestall single ownership of political parties. Also, any physical property to be donated by any single individual or group should not exceed N500,000 in cash value.
Oladeji writes from Lagos
