Ghana, SA, UAE: Xenophobia Against Nigerians? Why? 

The bond of brotherhood between Nigeria and Ghana, is old and deep. But, that chord of friendship has run thin a couple of times; first, in 1969, when the Government of Ghana issued the Aliens Compliance Order expelling many allegedly undocumented West African migrants, including many Yorubas from Nigeria, on grounds of economic decline, and secondly, between 1983 and 1985, when Nigerians across the country protested the ubiquitous presence of Ghanaians in Nigeria and the aphorism ‘Ghana Must Go’ came into Nigerian vocabulary. Although it was diplomatically resolved, later events showed that the scars have remained, and Ghanaians don’t seem to have forgotten or forgiven. What appears inexplicable is the current angst by Ghanaians against Nigerian nationals in Ghana, asking Nigerians, particularly the Igbos this time, to leave their country willy-nilly. This negative reaction against Nigerians isn’t limited to Ghana; it also happened in South Africa and the United Arab Emirates.Prosper Nwachukwu and Chukwuemeka Eze, in this Discourse, x-ray the complex and sensitive issues at play, even tracing the origins and history of xenophobia 

“Nigeria Must Go!”: Unpacking the Tension, Truth, and Way Forward

Prosper Nwachukwu

Introduction 

Protesters in Ghana took to the streets between 26 and 29 July 2025, to demand the mass expulsion of Nigerians. The slogan “Nigeria Must Go!”, featured prominently on placards and in media headlines. These demonstrations led by a vocal minority accused Nigerian residents of economic dominance, criminal activities, and cultural insensitivity.

For many Nigerians living in Ghana, like me, these protests have been shocking and disheartening. We live here legally, work hard, pay our taxes, and contribute to the local economy and society. And, yet, in a storm of anger and fear, we find ourselves the targets of resentment.

But, to fully understand why some Ghanaians are calling for Nigerians to leave, we must resist the temptation to react emotionally, and, instead, examine the historical, economic, cultural, social, and political reasons behind this sentiment. It may well reflect the broader anxieties of a region in flux.

1. Criminal Stereotypes

A major factor behind the protests is the perception that Nigerians are the driving force behind crime in Ghana, and are often identified as culprits after Police investigations. Placards at recent demonstrations cited kidnapping, ritual killings, cybercrime, armed robbery, and prostitution. Official data, however, provides no support for singling out Nigerians. 

Statistics from Ghana Prisons Service as of Monday, 4 August 2025, indicate that out of a total prison population of 13,949, there are 991 foreigners in custody. This represents approximately 7% of all inmates (Statistics – Ghana Prisons Service, accessed 05 August, 2025).

Although, no definite number of Nigerians is captured, earlier data released by Ghana Prisons Service for 2021 showed that 314 Nigerian inmates accounted for 35% of the foreign prisoner population and roughly 2% of the overall inmate population ( The Fourth Estate, accessed 05 August 2024).

Against a reported number of approximately 77,000 Nigerians in Ghana, we can conclude that:

1. There are indeed, Nigerian criminals in Ghana. Most Nigerians acknowledge this, and support the full and fair application of the law.

2. Nigerians implicated in criminal activity, are a tiny fraction of the entire Nigerian population in Ghana.

3. At approximately 2% of the entire prison population, Nigerians cannot be singled out as the driving force behind crime in Ghana. 

The tendency to highlight crimes committed by Nigerians in media, however isolated, and sensationalise these events based on nationality, has cemented a damaging stereotype. The reality is that many Nigerians living in Ghana are hardworking professionals, contributing actively to national development. We are not criminals, we are neighbours. It is time to question and reject unfounded stereotypes that divide rather than unite.

2. Economic Competition

One of the most cited grievances, stems from business rivalry in Ghana’s informal sector. Many Ghanaian traders claim that Nigerians have flooded the retail space, particularly in markets, engaging in categories of retail trade reserved exclusively for Ghanaians under the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre Act, 2013 (Act 865). Foreigners are also required to invest a minimum of US$1 million before trading in imported goods and services, which Ghanaian traders claim is frequently flouted. According to Ghanaian traders, Nigerian businesses-often backed by cross-border supply chains-undercut local markets, threatening livelihoods. In 2019, members of the Ghana Union of Traders Association locked over 600 shops owned by Nigerians, citing violations of the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre Act, 2013 (Act 865).

The economic strain is palpable, and the path forward must be rooted in fair enforcement, mutual respect, and cooperation. Laws must be upheld, and applied without bias. Nigerian traders, like all foreigners, must comply with local regulations governing business and commerce. Equally, the principles of hospitality and regional cooperation require that those who abide by the law, be treated with dignity and fairness. Ghana has a right to regulate its markets and enforce its laws, but such enforcement must be even-handed and grounded in due process. The public must also distinguish between individual infractions, and sweeping generalisations that fuel xenophobia.

Rather than descend into rivalry, both nations have the chance to pursue compliance and cooperation. The economic strain presents a chance to unlock shared prosperity, through regional cooperation.

3. Cultural Misunderstanding

Some Ghanaians have voiced concerns about cultural domination, citing in particular, the Igbo Kingdom Controversy. This controversy stems from a 2013 video that has been recirculated online, featuring a Nigerian title holder identified as Eze Chukwudi Jude Ihenetu. In the viral clip, he stated that he would acquire 50 acres of Ghanaian land to build an Igbo Kingdom, which was received by both Ghanaians and Nigerians as an audacious assertion of parallel authority. “They even have an Igbo king in Ghana. They have hijacked our lands”, one Protester said. 

Eze Chukwudi Jude Ihenetu has since issued an apology, and released a video clarifying that his title is only ceremonial. He also stated that there are no ongoing plans to establish an Igbo kingdom in Ghana. “Some people will say I’m building a Kingdom. I want to destroy Ghana. I want to rule Ghana. I want to put Ghana in my pocket. Who am I to do this?” he said. He noted in a separate video that he has been married to a Ghanaian for 28 years and has five Ghanaian children, adding that he harbours no ill intent towards Ghana or its people.

On festivals such as the annual Iri Ji (New Yam Festival), Nigerians have stated that cultural events are not held as an act of domination, but respectfully as a matter of identity. These festivals are publicised as open events, and often see a significant amount of Ghanaian and foreign participation. According to Njoku Macdonald Obinna, Nigeria’s eye-witness reporter who covered the 2021 – 2024 Igbo New Yam Festival celebrations in Ghana, the 2024 Igbo New Yam Festival recorded approximately 20,000 people in attendance. This included people from Ghana, Nigeria, the Caribbean, the United States of America, Indonesia, Guinea-Conakry, and South Africa. Representatives from Ghana’s National House of Chiefs, Regional House of Chiefs, Traditional Councils, and the United Nations were also involved. If there is any misunderstanding here, it is symbolic. What is intended as cultural pride and exchange, has been misread as disrespect and encroachment. Dialogue and cultural sensitivity from both sides, could ease such frictions.

These incidents which are often exaggerated or taken out of context, play into a broader narrative of invasion, particularly territorial invasion. It is therefore, important to state that under Article 266 of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana and Section 10 of the Land Act, 2020 (Act 1036), foreigners including Nigerians, are prohibited from acquiring a freehold interest in land. The law only permits leases up to a maximum of 50 years, after which interest reverts to its Ghanaian owner or the State. This extends to companies and corporate bodies that are considered foreigners. In simple terms, Nigerians cannot buy or claim Ghanaian land. No foreigner can. Concerns that Nigerians may lay territorial claims are without constitutional basis, and should be put to rest.

4. Misinformation and Political Exploitation

In today’s digital world, misinformation spreads faster than the truth. As with many modern crises, misinformation has been gasoline on the fire. Viral posts, often doctored, outdated, or taken out of context, have painted Nigerians as lawless and Ghanaians as xenophobic. As stated by Ranking Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Hon. Samuel Ablakwa, “they are not a true reflection of the situation.”

Political manipulation has not helped. Political manipulation has been a prominent feature in this rise of xenophobia, evident on placards drawing political support for the founder of the All People’s Congress, Mr Hassan Ayariga.

Misinformation and political opportunism distort public perception, and inflame tensions where none need exist. When allowed to thrive, especially in emotionally charged contexts, they erode trust and distract from the real issues facing citizens.

5. Historical Wounds

The historical backdrop marked by two major cycles of mass expulsion, is hard to ignore. In 1969, the Government of Ghana issued the Aliens Compliance Order expelling many West African migrants, primarily Yorubas from Nigeria, on grounds of economic decline. Two decades later amid Nigeria’s own economic downturn, the Nigerian Government retaliated by expelling migrants, primarily Ghanaians, in 1983 and 1985. Both nations justified these devastating mass expulsions, as efforts to preserve the livelihood of citizens.

These cycles of expulsion, created long-lasting mistrust. We must avoid cyclical patterns rooted in post-colonial rivalries and economic crises. The chant “Nigeria Must Go” which mirrors the infamous “Ghana Must Go” is a reminder of a painful chapter in our shared past, and a warning against letting history repeat itself. 

Government Response

Both governments have been swift to defuse the crisis. President John Mahama has assured Nigerians living in Ghana of our safety, condemning xenophobia in the country. He gave this assurance while receiving President Bola Tinubu’s special envoy, led by Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu. President Mahama reiterated Ghana’s commitment to the ECOWAS Protocols, especially those relating to free movement and trade. He clarified that the situation with the viral video was swiftly contained, and the protests involved fewer than 50 people. Hon. Samuel Ablakwa emphasised the “deep historical, anthropological, and cultural bonds” between Ghana and Nigeria. 

The meeting affirmed that isolated criminal cases involving foreigners would be handled under Ghanaian law, not through collective punishment. Ambassador Odumegwu-Ojukwu, on her part, thanked the President for his hospitality and explained that the envoy’s mission was to help calm tensions following the viral videos that had raised concerns in Nigeria. She also proposed the establishment of a Nigeria-Ghana Joint Commission, to address challenges and enhance international relations. 

Coexistence

Despite the topical tension, everyday life tells a different story. Millions of Ghanaians co-exist peacefully with Nigerians. Ghanaians and Nigerians attend the same schools, worship in the same churches, intermarry, and collaborate across music, film, fashion, and several other industries. During her visit, Ambassador Odumegwu‑Ojukwu reassured Nigerians that there was no visible protest or hostility; “I would say, there’s no cause for alarm ”. 

We must not allow isolated incidents, to define our relationship. This is not a story of villains and victims. It is a story of fragile economies, uncertain futures, and the human tendency to look for someone to blame. Worsened by misinformation, misunderstanding, and political manipulation. But, history has shown, again and again, that mass discriminatory expulsion solves nothing.

To avoid a repeat of past mistakes, both nations must uphold and enforce local laws for the benefit of all residents, whether citizens or foreigners. This includes condemning criminal activity based on credible evidence, discouraging political opportunism that exploits tensions, and promoting accurate communication to counter misinformation – especially on digital platforms. Sustained, respectful dialogue between communities and governments should be encouraged, alongside community-led conflict resolution and integration efforts. Upholding ECOWAS principles on free movement, residence, and trade remains essential. Equally important, is building cross-border cooperation to ease trade tensions and reinforce shared values. Public education campaigns can help combat xenophobia and build awareness of constitutional and land laws. No less important, is the need to acknowledge the positive contributions made by both Ghanaians and Nigerians in each other’s countries.

West Africa’s greatest asset is its people: resilient, dynamic, and interconnected. Let us not tear that apart in fear. Let us build together.

Prosper Nwachukwu, Corporate and Commercial Lawyer; Advocate for Regional Cooperation, Accra, Ghana

Protest Against Nigerians in Ghana, Xenophobic? 

Chukwuemeka Eze

_”Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

– George Santayana

_”There is no present or future – only the past, happening over and over again – now.”

– Eugene O’Neill 

Background

Many citizens of Nigeria and Ghana, especially the Youth, will remember the Nigeria and Ghana rivalry more as a football matter. It is, however, much more than that. Ghana got its independence in 1957, while Nigeria’s independence was in 1960. Despite Nigeria being more than eight times of the population of Ghana, many Ghanaians, though harbour respect for Nigerians, view Nigeria from the prism of a giant with a clay foot.

 In November 1969, the Kofi Busia regime in Ghana enforced the Aliens Compliance Order, which compelled all foreigners allegedly without proper documentation, to leave the country within two weeks. The Order led to the expulsion of more than two million people, especially Nigerians. The expulsion was part of a broader policy, aimed at addressing undocumented immigration and economic competition. The order stipulated that all foreigners lacking the necessary residence permits or engaged in unauthorised businesses were to leave Ghana by December 2, 1969. While the law targeted all undocumented immigrants, it disproportionately affected Nigerians, who were a substantial portion of the foreign population in Ghana then.

 In 1983, the Shehu Shagari administration in Nigeria returned the “favour” to Ghanaians resident in Nigeria, through the infamous epithet known as “Ghana Must Go”, referencing the bags many Ghanaians used to carry their belongings during their forced departure. 

 Following the global recession of 2008 arising from the global banking crisis, many developing economies, like that of Ghana, were hit with economic miasma, which affected mainly small and medium term enterprises, who were adversely affected. Under pressure from the Ghana Union of Trade Associations (GUTA), the Ghanaian Government enacted the Ghana Investment Promotion Act 865, which barred foreigners from engaging in retail trade. 

 On July 14, 2014, GUTA members forcefully locked up shops belonging or affiliated to Nigerian businesses. It took protests, counter-protests, and diplomacy, before the tension simmered. 

Eze Ndi Igbo, Ghana, takes the Centre Stage in 2025

His Royal Majesty Eze (Dr) Ambassador Chukwudi Jude Ihenetu, Eze Ohazurume 1, Eze Ndi Igbo Ghana, arrived Ghana as a businessman in 1995, and married a Ghanaian lady in 1998. He was crowned Eze Ndi Igbo, Ghana, on 30th August, 2012, about 13 years ago. His video of 2013, where he disclosed his plans to build an Igbo village or kingdom in Ghana, which went viral on social media in early July 2025, sparked xenophobic protests on 29 July, 2025. Some of the sentiments spewed by some respondents, are captured herein below:

“We don’t show-off our wealth in Ghana. We believe in spreading it, helping others or staying low key. But, any Nigerian that makes small money will flaunt it to lure our girls and corrupt our boys.”

“We don’t hate Nigerians, but we don’t like their lifestyle. They like to make loud noise, they spend unnecessarily, they like luxury a lot, but, we are on the quiet side,”

 “Apart from their lifestyle, Nigerians are ahead of all of us in West Africa in many other good things. So, we are scared of their dominance,”

 The ensuing social media war and subsequent street protest led to the Nigerian President sending the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Mrs Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, to commune with President John Mahama of Ghana on 30 July, 2025.

 Not a few Ghanaians decried the rising crime rate, drug and human trafficking, and business dominance, taking their jobs, their women, and daughters, and heaped the blame on Nigerians. 

South Africa becoming Synonymous with Xenophobia 

 From 1993 through 2008, 2015, 2017, and 2019, xenophobic attacks in South Africa became a recurring decimal, with many rioters shouting – ‘Buyelekhaya’, meaning, “go back home” or “go back to your country”.

In September 2019, riots and looting targeting shops owned by foreign nationals broke out in South Africa, following the death of a taxi driver. Despite several arrests by the South African Police, looting was widespread and around 50 businesses predominantly owned by Nigerians were reportedly destroyed or damaged. The riots coincided with a nationwide truck driver strike, protesting against the employment of non-South African truckers. After riots resulted in 12 deaths in the first week of September, 640 of an estimated 100,000 Nigerians in South Africa volunteered to take free flights offered by Nigeria to return.

The Greeks Started It

 The Ancient Greeks were the earliest people known for their xenophobic sentiment, as they denigrated foreigners as “barbarians”. They had the belief that the Greek people and culture were superior to all other peoples and cultures, and that barbarians were naturally meant to be enslaved. Xenophobia, which is of Greek origin, has been described as the fear, hatred, or dislike of people from other countries or cultures. It is a form of prejudice that can manifest as hostility towards immigrants, refugees, or anyone perceived as foreigners.

Ancient Romans also held notions of superiority over other people, while the Germans held the view that their race was superior to others, and that the Jews were responsible for their woes.

The Germans Aggravated It

Germany’s persecution of Jews saw the Nazi regime, driven by antisemitism and racial ideology, systematically targeted Jews for extermination, culminating in the Holocaust, a genocide that resulted in the murder of 6 million Jews. In 1933, Jewish people in Germany were subjected to increasing discrimination, including the loss of jobs, exclusion from schools and universities, and restrictions on their movement and social interactions.

 In 1935, the “Nuremberg Laws” stripped Jews of their citizenship and defined who was considered Jewish based on ancestry, laying the legal groundwork for further persecution.

 The November 1938 pogrom, known as Kristallnacht, which means the Night of Broken Glass, saw widespread violence against Jewish businesses, synagogues, and homes, further escalating the persecution.

The systematic, State-sponsored persecution and murder of 6 million Jews by the Nazi regime and its collaborators, is known as the Holocaust. This involved the establishment of concentration and extermination camps, where millions were systematically murdered through gassing, forced labour, and other horrific means. The events of this period remain a stark reminder of the dangers of intolerance, hatred, and the consequences of unchecked xenophobic sentiments, whether backed by the State or otherwise.

International  Law Perspective 

None of these international human rights documents [Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948; International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, and the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966], directly address the issue of xenophobia. This means that there is no express United Nations Convention on xenophobic acts.

 At least six human rights documents are, however, relevant to any conversation around xenophobic sentiments and attacks. These are:

*(i) UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965 (“CERD”)”;

*(ii) UN General Assembly, Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, 1993 [“DAPA”];

*(iii) United Nations, Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, adopted at the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Violence, 8 September 2001, endorsed by the UN General Assembly Resolution 56/266 of 15 May 2002 [“Durban Declaration”]; 

*(iv) Special Rapporteur on Contemporary forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, 1996, 2005, 2016, etc.;

*(v) UNHCHR, International Organisation for Migration, Racism, Discrimination and Xenophobia; and 

*(vi) Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, General Recommendations on Discrimination Against Non-Citizens.

 One common denominator of these materials, is that they tend to link xenophobia with racism. This leaves victims of xenophobia to depend on reliefs available within local jurisdictions, some of which are accomplices or initiators of the xenophobic sentiments.

It is time for the United Nations to address this issue, in order to offer succour to those vulnerable to xenophobic attacks, whether in Ghana, South Africa, or elsewhere. The world needs not wait for a deterioration, before it acts.

Chukwuemeka Eze