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By Magnus Onyibe
A new orchestra has entered Nigeria’s music and entertainment scene. It was launched by Rivers State Governor, Mr. Siminalayi Fubara, on Friday, December 15, in Port Harcourt, during the flag-off of a 20,000-unit housing estate for low-income earners located in the lkwere area of the state.
The hit song of the debutant band is titled “Dey Your Dey, Make I Dey My Dey, Nobody Worry Nobody.”
The message conveyed in governor Fubara’s new symphony is that Mr. Wike, who currently serves as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and was the immediate past governor of Rivers State, should mind his own business in his new role as the FCT minister.
In fact Mr Fubara, as the current Rivers state governor and new lord of the manor in the garden city, is urging his predecessor to refrain from interfering in the exercise of his mandate to govern Rivers state.
That seems like a fair demand right?
But in politics where ‘l owe You’(loU) is the main currency of trade, promises are expected to be kept, otherwise there would be consequences such as enforcement in the manner that we have seen governance in Rivers state descend into anarchic condition.
Now, a lot has already been written and discussed both on print, broadcast and social media platforms about the origin of the crisis, so there is no need to dwell further on the loU behind the godson/ godfather conundrum and methods of enforcing/extracting payment.
Rather the focus of this piece would be on the propriety or folly of godfather/godson relationship as a way of guaranteeing protection after serving as governor or serving third or multiple terms in subterfuge after officially completing a constitutionally mandatory two terms tenure.
Before assuming his current role, the incumbent governor served as the Accountant General (AG) of Rivers State under the leadership of Mr. Nyesom Wike, who was the governor from 2015 to 2023.
Given the inherent trust associated with the AG position which makes the occupant of that office the treasurer, astute players and observers in politics can attest to the fact that a strong bond must
exist between the governor and the AG.
So when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) sought answers regarding some alleged financial irregularities in the state, during the run up to the 2023 elections, it was incumbent on then Governor Wike to take on the responsibility of ensuring that his AG vamoosed literally in order to evade scrutiny.
At that time, Mr. Fubara seemingly disappeared into thin air to evade the security agencies, particularly the EFCC, which allegedly sought to thwart Wike’s presidential ambition and Fubara’s plan to succeed his boss as governor.
Since governor Wike enjoyed immunity at that time, apprehending and prosecuting Fubara was the main agenda of the law enforcement agencies, it was alleged. So the AG did a disappearing act and only re-emerged to participate in the gubernatorial election, once the tumultuous period had subsided.
For occasions such as that, where, as the Rivers State Governor, Mr. Wike steadfastly stood like the rock of Gibraltar behind Fubara in pursuit of the agenda to make him his successor, for himself to become the president of Nigeria in 2023, they reportedly created deadly havoc in the political landscape in order to have their way .
By the same token both of them equally weathered severe political storms from their opponents that posed a threat to the realization of both Wike’s and Fubara’s ambitions to become president of Nigeria and governor of Rivers state respectively.
As a partner in the trenches together with his boss, Fubara enjoyed the privilege accruable from the political muscles of Governor Wike,
boosted by his power of incumbency. As such he was termed Governor Wike’s political godson.
Even after the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC had declared Mr Fubara victorious, both Wike and Fubara remained in the trenches, fending off onslaughts from Wike’s former godfather, Mr. Rotimi Amaechi, another ex-governor of Rivers State, who also had a stake in the March 11 governorship race through Mr. Tonye Cole, an accomplished entrepreneur and pastor who contested the governorship from the platform of the All Progressive Congress, APC.
Unfortunately, Mr Cole, a fine gentleman, pastor of the Redeem Church of God, and an ally of Amaechi got caught up in the crossfire between Amaechi and President Tinubu, whom Amaechi had earlier contested against in the ruling APC presidential primaries.
At this juncture, we will not be delving into the granular details of the governorship succession imbroglio that often ensues in Rivers State, and which has become perennial because it is too complex to be exhaustively discussed in this short presentation. As such, the focus will first of all be on the ongoing crisis and it’s ramifications on the good people of Rivers state. Thereafter attention will be shifted to the historical antecedents of Governorship succession pains and pleasures in Rivers State and indeed Nigeria.
Hopefully, that historical background would give some context to the discourse on the unfolding godfather/godson fiasco.
On Friday, December 15th, ‘during the launch of the new musical band’, which also marked the foundation laying ceremony for a real estate project targeting low-income earners, Governor Fubara intentionally emphasized to the audience that his governorship is “not in service to the elite, but to the poor and low-income earners.”
He was most likely alluding to his former boss whom rumor mills were abuzz with his demand on a monthly basis for humongous sums of money too mind-boggling to mention.
The quest of the embattled governor Fubara was to curry the support of the masses. That is perhaps the reason he broke into the ‘dey as you dey, make l dey as l dey, nobody worry nobody’ song, which resonated amongst his audience.
Apparently, Fubara was only following in the footsteps of his former boss Wike who is fond of singing when he wants to taunt or torment his political foes.
Applying the tool of trend analysis, the moment that a video clip of the FCT Minister Wike in the office of the Chief of Staff of President Tinubu singing: “ On your mandate we shall stand, Jagaban…”, one immediately reckoned that something sinister was about to occur in Nigeria’s political firmament. But one could not specifically figure out where and what the individual that has been described as hurricane Wike was going to make a landfall.
Incidentally, much like Governor Wike’s flagship song, “As e dey sweet us, e dey pain dem,” sung in mockery of the PDP leadership that thwarted his ambition to become the party’s presidential candidate during the 2023 presidential contest, Governor Fubara’s tune, “Dey your dey, make I dey my dey, nobody worry nobody,” is self-explanatory.
For the avoidance of doubts, it serves as a clear signal to FCT Minister Wike that his former godson has come of age, and he is therefore asserting his independence.
As it may be recalled, while the main opposition party, the PDP was experiencing a deluge of political setbacks orchestrated by Mr Wike and four other fellow rebellious governors, including Abia’s Dr Okezie Ikpeazu, Enugu’s Mr Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, Oyo’s Engr. Seyi Makinde, and Benue’s Mr Samuel Ortom, collectively known as the G-5 or Integrity Group, he often broke into the ‘ As e dey pain dem e de sweet us ‘ song.
It is the malicious song that members of the notorious, and perhaps nefarious group, used to engage the PDP in a war of attrition in protest against the ambition of the party’s 2023 presidential candidate, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar.
To the credit of Wike and his group, it is the schism which they triggered and nurtured that led to the loss of the 2023 presidential contest by Waziri Atiiku Abubakar to the incumbent president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC.
The narrative above clearly indicates that Wike is good at what he does.
But as it pertains to the ongoing face-off between him and Fubara, the jury is not yet out, as he might have under estimated governor Fubara’s capacity to stage a counterattack against adversity.
Even though he has a reputation for being the master of the absurd, Minister Wike must have been a tad shocked by the fact that the incumbent governor who is often taciturn could go to the extreme extent of flattening the building hosting the state House of Assembly to prevent his ouster via impeachment by dissident lawmakers.
As we will learn from the historical experiences that will be delved into
shortly, political upheavals and the politics of gubernatorial succession in Rivers State precede both Wike and Fubara.
Since 1999, when multiparty democracy was reintroduced into Nigeria, classical cases of trust and betrayal in politics have plagued the people of Rivers. They have witnessed political betrayals from the days of Dr. Peter Odili, who governed the state between 1999 and 2007, to the reign of Rotimi Amaechi, who held sway 2007/2015 and the Amaechi -Wike era of intense conflict which took place between 2015 to 2023, including the Wike -Fubara partnership which has presently collapsed barely six months after it started, resulting in the the unfolding debacle which is currently wracking the state.
By way of historical background, Amaechi who was Dr. Odili’s godson lost the trust of his former boss.
Thereafter, he engaged him in a political dogfight as he turned against his erstwhile godfather, which is similar to the dynamics that are currently playing out in Rivers State as evidenced by the ongoing supremacy battle between Wike and Fubara.
As we are all well aware, despite the numerous challenges that Amaechi faced in 2007, given that his then-boss, Odili, did not want him to succeed him in office, he managed to overcome the obstacles through the legal system by leveraging the instrumentality of the law courts.
What worked in his favor is that along the way, then governor Odili had replaced Amaechi in the INEC list of gubernatorial candidates with his new preferred and anointed candidate, Mr. Celestine Omeihia.
So resorting to legalese, the man known as the Lion of Mbiama, Amaechi,in the complex and complicated history of Rivers State became the first to literally wrestle power, against all odds and power of incumbency, from his former boss, Dr. Peter Odili.
It did not matter that Mr Amaechi had served under Dr. Odili as the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly and, prior to that, as a Personal Assistant during Odili’s time as the medical director of Pamol Hospital in private practice.
If one were to draw parallels with mascurades, Amaechi’s actions can be likened to literally de-robing the king masquerade.
In other words he floored his erstwhile mentor, showcasing the intricate dynamics of political relationships in Rivers state history.
With the court ruling that the party, not the individual, is the candidate in an election, Amaechi, who was declared the winner of the primaries, was directed by the courts to be recognized as the legitimate governor almost two years after Omehia was sworn into office.
The Supreme Court’s decision, the first of its kind in the nation’s recent history, seemed absurd and resembled fiction to the ordinary person.
But in the end, as Mr. Rotimi Amaechi prevailed, he became the governor of Rivers State, thereby achieving the distinction of being the first in Nigeria to assume the governorship of a state without participating in the traditional political campaigning, including the printing of posters or mounting the rostrum to canvass for votes.
Would the ongoing Wike – Fubara duel be a re-enactment of the Odili-Amaechi tango?
The situation echos the past experience in Enugu state whereby only six (6) legislators operated in Enugu state when Chimaroke Nnamani faced-off with his former godfather Chief Jim Nwobodo.
Would the courts affirm the laws passed by the august body that has amongst others put N800 billion which is only N200 million short of one trillion naira under the control of the distressed Rivers state governor in the name of passing the state’s 2023 appropriations bill without the 27 law makers loyal to Wike?
That is another huddle which has once again been put on the path of the judiciary to test their integrity which has been under severe scrutiny lately. Would the third branch of government step up to the plate and uphold the letter and spirit of the law fairly, justly and transcendently?
In recent years, politicians derogatorily labeled as ‘court-made governors’ had become increasingly common in Nigeria’s political landscape and the latest election cycle has seen the emergence of ‘court-made’ legislators too , further expanding this trend.
Remarkably , Mr Rotimi Amaechi, while serving as the governor of Rivers State, had formed his own ‘band’, which often sang a popular song titled “Etua ka chineke anyi di, agidigba ooo.”
It is important to note that Amaechi is not the copyright owner of the hit song “Etua ka chineke anyi di agidigba ooo”
That is because he embraced a popular Christian song rendered in the Igbo dialect, which, when translated into English, serves as an exaltation of God as the song boasts about the immense size and robust nature of God’s power.
One can speculate that the purpose of the song is to remind his detractors and opponents, who once posed a formidable force, that he is supported by a mighty (agidigba) God.
Along the same line of musical activities, after losing the APC primaries to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu who became the eventual winner of the 2023 presidential election, Amaechi’s video footage showcasing his performance with a full orchestra alongside his family went viral generating excitement amongst social media users.
In uncanny ways it affirmed the seriousness that Rivers state politicians , l dare add, the Rivers people as a whole ,attach to music.
A noteworthy and substantial distinction between Wike and his former protégé Fubara’s songs, when compared to Amaechi’s, lies in the fact that theirs are original compositions, while Amaechi’s song is an adaptation or remix, as musicians would phrase it.
However , one commonality among the governors of Rivers State since the advent of multi-party democracy in 1999 is their shared talent for composing and singing hit songs. This trend spans from Amaechi to Wike to Fubara. It seems as though creating and performing provocative songs serves as a therapeutic outlet for the governors when dealing with internal conflicts.
The sole exception to the tradition of being a lyrical governor in Rivers State is Dr. Peter Odili, who neither composed nor performed any songs, unlike his successors. Perhaps the reason for this exception lies in the fact that he inherited power from the military, which thereafter withdrew from the political space into the barracks.
Hence during his tenure as governor, Dr. Odili did not have to contend with a godfather exerting influence over him
That is unlike the situation with Amaechi, Wike, and now Fubara. The latter three have had the fortune of having godfathers who facilitated their access to governorship power and the concomitant unfortunate experiences of having overlords breathing down their necks with determined efforts to manipulate them like puppets.
Whether facing adversity or not, one thing that is clear is that the people of the Rivers state have a knack for being songsters or Nightingales of some sort.
After all, is this not the same Rivers state that is the origin of the high life music maestro Cardinal Jim Rex Lawson of blessed memory? Despite having passed away ages ago, his hit song, “Ashawo no bi work, na management,” has remained evergreen.
The song, delivered in Pidgin English, explicitly conveys that prostitution is an unreliable source of livelihood. Instead, it serves as a way to navigate or cope with life when faced with no better alternative.
Coincidentally, the subject of Rex Lawson’s song from several decades ago—prostitution—is now at the core of the current turmoil engulfing the political landscape of Rivers State. This situation is particularly concerning as the state plays a pivotal role in the Niger Delta geopolitical zone, which is a crucial economic hub for Nigeria. Therefore, it is not an overstatement to conclude that the ongoing unrest in Rivers State is causing nationwide unease due to its strategic importance in the country’s economic structure with its pivotal position as the goose that lays the golden eggs.
Although the prostitution that Rex-Lawson crooned about is not the sort being practiced by the current demagogues that are determined to retain political control of their states, as evidenced by their affiliations with multiple parties-PDP and APC, but any prism from which ‘potting’ from one party to the other or straddling membership of multiple parties is considered, it is still prostitution, but a political one.
It is a phenomenon that has been serving as the catalyst for crises in various states where overambitious proteges have betrayed their influential mentors, or over bearing mentors have been destabilizing their homesteads ,as the case may be.
Mr. Rotimi Amaechi had made a similar move to what minister Wike did and is still currently doing when he defected from PDP to APC, before ultimately becoming the Campaign Director General for candidate Muhammadu Buhari, as he concluded his tenure as Rivers State governor in 2015.
It is not surprising that in a parallel fashion, Governor Wike has recently taken on a comparable role as President Tinubu’s key figure/ally in Rivers State during the presidential election on February 25, 2023, which brought the current administration into power.
Another notable trend observed with the three former governors of Rivers State is that, following the end of their gubernatorial terms, both Amaechi and Wike subsequently assumed positions as ministers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, FGN and also made concerted efforts to become president of the FGN.
Dr. Odilli, on the other hand, did not pursue a ministerial role; instead, he harbored aspirations to become the President and later the Vice President of Nigeria immediately after serving as governor in 2007, but which failed to materialize.
This trajectory which is the paths taken by Amaechi and Wike mirrors , who as stated earlier attempted, albeit unsuccessfully, to ascend to the presidency of Nigeria by first becoming minister. It is a pattern that manifested itself again this year, and speaks volumes about the unbridled ambition of politicians of Rivers state hue consistent in pushing their ambition to become president of Nigeria..
The question is; given the pivotal role the Niger Delta politicians play as kingmakers of presidents of Nigeria starting from 1999 with respect to funding ex president Olusegun Obasanjo , 2007 funding of the campaign of the late president Umaru Yar’adua to immediate past President Mohammadu Buhari ,why are they always left in the cold by those they help to get into Aso Rock presidential seat of power?
It is an enigma that needs to be interrogated in subsequent media Interventions.
Meanwhile, due to Dr. Odilli’s advanced age and the passage of time, he may no longer be considered a viable candidate for the presidency of Nigeria. However, Amaechi and Wike, being relatively young, could potentially engage in political competition for the office of the president of Nigeria in the future.
Another noteworthy observation is the consistent occurrence of consequences following betrayal. This aligns with the conventional wisdom rooted in the law of karma, which states that one reaps the energy they sow.
Since his retirement, former Governor Odilli has experienced a form of political isolation. He seems to have been marginalized politically due to the repercussions of his contentious feud with his renegade godson, Amaechi. That is because the actions taken by Amaechi, who later became governor, undermined and incapacitated his one time political mentor.
The same situation applies to Mr. Rotimi Amaechi, whose image loomed prominently six months ago. Humbled by both the former governor, Mr. Wike, his one-time ally who ensured he faced political challenges at home by declaring him persona non grata , and the incumbent president, Asiwaju Tinubu, who defeated him in the party primaries last year, Amaechi currently appear to be in a state of political hibernation. It is classic definition of the dictum: what goes around, comes around.
Curiously, ex governor and former minister Amaechi is being fingered in the current Wike- Fubara crisis in Rivers state.
Would that be a springboard for him to come back into political reckoning?
Would Wike, whose critics believe his wings are currently fluttering like those of a butterfly, face the same fate as he is presently contending with an outraged public calling on President Tinubu to clip the rings of his formidable ally?
Could the ongoing conflict between Wike and Fubara result in the downfall of the former governor and current FCT minister, similar to what happened as aftermath in the Odilli-Amaechi duel and the Amaechi-Wike battle which caused both to lose political relevance as fall outs of godfather/godson feud?
Is a comparable betrayal looming for Fubara, assuming he manages to survive the political hurricane stirred by Wike, and successfully completes his initial term, and secures a second term?
These questions/suppositions are difficult to provide answers to, given the political maneuvers orchestrated by Minister Wike, who is determined to undermine his godson at all cost in other to maintain his control of Rivers state politics.
Certainly, the tumult in the political landscape (some may refer to it as a mangrove) of Rivers State is not without parallel. That is because a similar scenario had unfolded in Anambra State involving Mr. Peter Obi and his political protégé, Willie Obiano. Mr. Obi had entrusted the reins of gubernatorial power to Obiano, a banker with no political pedigree ,but who shortly after assuming office as governor, became a formidable political adversary to his mentor .
A comparable crisis in the godfather-son relationship had also unfolded in Akwa Ibom State involving the former governor, Godswill Akpabio, who is now the Senate President, and his one time godson, Udom Emmanuel who is the immediate past governor. Akpabio similar to Obi in Anambra state had entrusted the gubernatorial power to Emmanuel, also a banker and greenhorn politician.
But to his chagrin and dismay, the latter also rebelled shortly after assuming office.
The ongoing crisis in Rivers State between Wike and Fubara bears a resemblance to the referenced conflict that had ensued between Akpabio and Emmanuel. Reportedly, the former governors of Akwa Ibom and Rivers States, currently the Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Nyesom Wike, who is now the FCT minister respectively, have allegedly retained possession of their state’s private jets even after exiting office.
In the case of Akwa Ibom, Governor Udom Emmanuel, the successor, was compelled to retrieve the aircraft and subsequently transformed it into a commercial airline—Ibom Air, which is now one of the most dependable commercial airlines in Nigeria. Would Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State currently said to be facing a similar challenge consider adopting the blueprint similar to the one applied to address a comparable issue in Akwa Ibom in Rivers state? In other words, should Nigerians be anticipating the emergence of a commercial airline promoted by Rivers State with her current private jets as commencement aircrafts in the near future?
Time will tell. In the mean time , it is pertinent to state that the political clash between godfathers and godsons, marked by their crossing of swords against each other , extends beyond the confines of the southern region, where one has previously alluded to betrayers and traitors in politics . This distasteful phenomenon is also prevalent nationwide, especially in the northern region.
The story is told of how one time Governor Isah Yuguda literally chased his predecessor and benefactor, Mallam Adamu Muazu, out of Bauchi soon after assuming office, following their political fallout.
In Gombe, Dr. Ibrahim Dankwambo who was handpicked by Governor Danjuma Goje to succeed him, subsequently became the political arch-enemy of his former mentor shortly after the former settled into the governor’s office.
In kano state the relationship between Dr Abdulahi Ganduje, immediate past governor who is current national chairman of APC and mentee of Dr Musa Kwakwanso ,a two time governor of Kano state and ex minister of defense is a classical case of friendship and betrayal in politics .
Arising from the aforementioned cases which is not exhaustive, it is evident that the conflict between godfather and godson is a widespread crisis. Consequently, one may inquire: What is accountable for the conflicts that emerge shortly after governors transfer power to their chosen successors, mentees or godsons?
Some pundits attribute the challenges to the excessive influence and the persistent meddling of former governors on their successors in state affairs even after leaving office.
It is challenging to fathom why ex-governors consistently harbor the belief that by appointing their surrogates, they can effectively extend their influence and essentially enjoy a de facto third term when there is no scintilla of evidence that idea works. With the exception of Lagos and Kwara states under then governor Tinubu as governor and Bukola Saraki ex governor and one time senate president, the perfidious act is expected to be achieved through the subterfuge of continuing to dictate the course of events in states where they once held sway. However, there is no empirical evidence to support the notion that the strategy, if one may refer to it as such, is efficacious.
Nevertheless, some political demagogues seem impervious to the reality that blue eyes princes or godsons always aspire to become kings or godfathers one day. Consequently, when these demagogues seize the opportunity to take control, the newly appointed kings tend to assert power by claiming all the privileges that kingmakers often try to withhold from their successors.
As I have emphasized in previous media Interventions, even if a governor were to transfer the reins of government to his wife, there is no assurance that a conflict akin to what occurred in Edo State between the incumbent governor, Godwin Obaseki, and his predecessor/former godfather, Senator Adams Oshiomole, would not ensue.
Recall that the contentious struggle for political control of Edo State led Governor Obaseki to exploit the advantages of incumbency by deploying all the political ammunitions in the arsenal of his government to defeat his former boss senator Oshiomole. This resulted in him orchestrating the removal of the roof of the State House of Assembly building to prevent the assembly of lawmakers loyal to his former boss in a desperate effort to thwart their plans to impeach him.
That effort which was an ingenious defense mechanism deployed to ward off his detractors and salvage his political career is an adaptation of a strategy previously employed by his predecessor, then Governor Oshiomole.
It is on record that when Oshiomole faced analogous political challenges from his predecessor, Professor Osariemen Osunbor, who enjoyed substantial backing from influential political forces in the state, and the legislators elected during the tenure of the previous governor attempted to impeach him, the state House of Assembly members were compulsorily sent on recess ostensibly to facilitate the renovation of the building dedicated to the business of law making .
Arising from the above some political observers in Nigeria are unsurprised that Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State opted to employ the well-known survival strategy, previously exemplified by Oshiomole and Obaseki.
However, Fubara has taken this approach a step further by not only dismantling the roof of the House of Assembly, which had already been firebombed during the power struggle, but also demolishing the entire building which is an unprecedented move.
Previously, our country had witnessed the kidnapping of a sitting governor, Dr. Chris Ngige, in Anambra State. At that time, we believed it marked the pinnacle of political madness.
Considering the ‘progress’ that had been made, surpassing mere removal of roofs to the extreme measure of demolishing the entire House of Assembly to prevent opposing lawmakers from convening and initiating impeachment proceedings, one cannot help but wonder whether political adversaries /gladiators might eventually devise even more sinister strategies to maintain their control of political power.
These could include not only kidnapping a sitting governor as was the case with Dr Chris Ngige in Anambra state allegedly by his erstwhile godfather Chief Chris Ubah, but also the idea of toppling the person on the seat of power and bringing down an entire government mansion, may also soon be an agenda of vicious political power mongers in the future .
In order to prevent a further decline in political decorum, our political leaders, notably during President Tinubu’s tenure, must take decisive measures to stem the ugly tide . The alarming prospect lies not only in the recent incident of desecrating the legislative chamber in Rivers state by leveling it to ground zero, but also in the looming danger of the ongoing crisis in Rivers State escalating into an ethnic conflict.
This potential conflict involving the Ijaw nation which is Governor Fubara’s ethnic origin, and the Ikweres, the tribe of the formidable and assertive current Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike, is a wicked brew that bodes ill wind for the entire country.
Going back into history, Chief James Ibori, during his tenure as the governor of Delta State from 1999 to 2007, demonstrated remarkable dexterity in quelling a raging ethic rivalry induced inferno threatening to consume the state arising from supremacy struggles between l jaws and Itsekiris. The crisis involved addressing longstanding ethnic tensions between the two neighboring Ijaw and Itsekiri communities in a conflict rooted in decades past.
It is essential to emphasize that the ethnic conflicts were severely impacting Warri and its surroundings, hindering both local development and causing instability throughout the Niger Delta region. In light of the fact that the region serves as the economic powerhouse for Nigeria, it was imperative to resolve the issues for the overall prosperity of the nation before it degenerated further with catastrophic consequences on the nation’s treasury. And it is to the credit of chief lbori that a conflagration was prevented by quelling the raging conflict that was like an inferno in volatile environment before he exited power as governor in 2007.
The present situation in Rivers state bears resemblance to the dimensions of the conflict that occurred in Delta State, resulting in severe consequences until Chief Ibori, as governor, managed to end the unrest.
Given the potential catastrophic consequences of the crisis in Rivers State, which has been sparked by the power struggle between a political godfather and godson, there is a risk of it escalating into a tribal conflict between the Ijaws and Ikweres. To prevent the situation from further escalating, it is advisable for President Tinubu to intervene promptly.
Engaging crisis management experts could prove effective in halting the propagation of animosity between the Ijaws and Ikweres. This preventive measure is aimed at avoiding a full-blown violent confrontation between the two tribes, known for their inherently aggressive nature and fragile egos.
Frankly, individuals, whether they are protagonists or antagonists capable of firebombing the revered chambers of lawmakers in Port Harcourt, can potentially strike anywhere. Presently, our nation does not need such heightened tension in the Niger Delta, particularly at this crucial juncture that we must focus on harnessing our oil and gas resources, many of which are presently lost to oil thieves.
These criminals may exploit ethnic conflicts to persist in their theft of our crude oil, undermining the current administration’s efforts to generate the much-needed revenue that is essential for extricating the country from its present financial crisis, which has seen the expenses surpassing the income of our country, necessitating a worldwide search for additional funds to match the substantial expenditure profile of our beleaguered nation.
The crucial point is that President Tinubu cannot afford to be a passive onlooker in the political turmoil wracking Rivers State. If neglected and allowed to fester like an open sore, this situation may escalate into something more sinister. This is particularly significant because both Rivers State and the Niger Delta region play a crucial role in the sustenance of our beloved country.
As the saying goes: a stitch in time saves nine.
*Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
